2011年gmat考试10月gmat报哪天好?给个...

gmat会换题库吗?11月3、4号呢?
ck第二弹瓨淴
可能是由于明年6月份gmat改革的问题,六月份开始,gmac为了节约换裤成本特别喜欢长裤.26是危险.,一楼说得好,月初更好一些.建议放在月中更好,狗狗更充分.如果你在北京考,没必要着急,提前7天每天都有空.建议根据自己的复习情况来选择.
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11月3、4号比10月底稍好些的~~
9.24号换题库时间,建议报11月中上旬的比较稳妥。
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时代焦点独家解析:2012年10月gmat什么时候换题库?
  近期时代焦点顾问接到多名学生咨询2012年10月gmat什么时候换题库的问题,一并解答如下:
  没人能真正知道何时换库,大家可以参考以下规律:
  【2012年度最新GMAT题库更换时间】
   间隔32天
   间隔32天
   间隔30天
   间隔33天
   间隔32天
   间隔35天
   间隔31天
  【2011年度GMAT题库更换时间】
   间隔34天
   间隔27天
   间隔32天
   间隔36天
   间隔31天
   间隔32天
   间隔23天
   间隔23天
   间隔35天
   间隔33天
   间隔34天
   间隔26天
  【2010年度GMAT题库更换时间】
   间隔26天
   间隔24天
   间隔33天
   间隔26天
   间隔30天
   间隔32天
   间隔32天
   间隔23天
   间隔25天
   间隔36天
   间隔35天
   间隔29天
  通过这些数据,相信大家可以分析出GMAT题库更换时间的一些规律,掌握这些规律可以更好地帮助你找到应试技巧,提高通过考试的成功率。欢迎大家访问时代焦点网站了解更多美国留学、培训信息。
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去美国读研究生  2、 **通信技术  [版本1]一篇讲通信技术有助于经济增长的:  P1 说通信技术有助于经济增长  P2 有人出来质疑说是是通信帮助经济增长还是经济增长帮助IT发展。就开始举例子,说一个什么学者给了例子,说哪里的农民种粮食原来都是卖给中间商的,中间商再卖个加工公司。又因为中间商不多,所以他们给农民的价格也低。给公司的价格高。  P3 然后一家公司不能忍了,用无线技术在村庄搞了个什么点之类的,就能让农民直接卖粮食给公司了。  P4然后大家都开心了,公司收粮价格也低,农民也可以卖高点。  P5最后又回到通信技术帮助经济发展的整体情况上,说手机因为便宜大家都能买。但是互联网需要又电脑才行,所以落后国家的穷人买不起。就说手机和互联网需要不同的商业模式。  [版本2] 还有一篇说computer,mobile phone这些科技给人们带来很多便利。研究显示过去多多年,发展中国家GDP增长了多少多少。  第二段:有人质疑到底是GDP增长了导致科技发达,还是科技发达带来生活改善呢。有一个叫G什么的人研究soybean 的种植、销售来解释此问题。大概的意思是有了mobile等信息交流工具,soybean 农民们和大的销售商们可以不必通过traders直接联系。所以价格更好,两方受利。  最后一段说了电脑和mobile的区别,internet的价格还是比较高,所以电脑的商业模式和手机不同,有待进一步研究。  [版本3] 有一个问题是为啥P3那个无线技术没出现之前,农民不能直接把粮食卖给那家公司。还有个问题是最后一段的主旨。  [版本4] 一个是telecommunication and network进驻农业的,有别的筒子给出来的JJ很准确我就不赘述了  [版本5] by amunsummer V34 660  那篇说手机和英特网的,有一问说哪一个削弱文中例子,我选的是当年气候条件不好(所以农作物价格高,商家也会出高价从农民那买)  [版本6] by osennheiser  一开始第一段讲mobile phone 跟 internet,心里想说这种类型的文章对阿宅来说根本一块蛋糕,但我错了;第二段开始讲奇怪的东西,讲说一个食品加工厂向原物料中盘商买原物料,然后原物料中盘商向农民买原料,然后农民有被中盘商剥削;第三段讲说食品加工厂觉得买原物料的价钱太高,于是实行了一个方法,方法那里仔细看,在这里会将二三四段与一跟五段做连结,方法是类似在农民的村庄摆设一个布告栏之类的东西,让每个农民知道每个中转商跟农民收购原物料的价格,然后因为信息透明公开流通化,再一推因果来到了第四段,讲说实行了这个方法之后的优点,农民跟食品加工厂得利,第五段跳回来讲mobile phone跟internet讲说mobile phone对于农民来说比叫负担的起,可是internet就不一样了,一来要识字,还要买的起计算机,所以比较不容易普及之类的  [版本7] by 白小白白  还有一篇是农民卖玉米那个公司叫什么ltc用电话收购从农民那里。jj有的,但是问题好像没见过,一题是问为什么ltc之前不跟农民直接收购而是通过traders? 看了看有点晕,选项有什么traders不愿意把农民的位置告诉ltc。在这之前农民不知道把粮食直接卖给公司会更挣钱。还有农民不愿意自己拉去卖。之类的我怎么觉得都不靠谱。于是选了不愿意告诉位置那个,估计有问题。一题关于文章主旨。还有一题就是问文中的后来提到internet起到什么作用?是为了证明手机更好还是什么好像有一个选项差不多是说网络还不能被他们用之类的,要慢慢发展还是怎样,我选折了。  [版本8] by bigheadpx 710  P1:technological development促进许多developing country的发展,because the infrastr但是在developed country可能收效甚微,然后讲到底是technological development promotes the growth of the ec  P2:讲一个人叫F什么的一个research的结果农民们原先卖soybean给trader 然后trader 再卖个companies 所以trader会赚很多,因为低买高卖;然后一个company 好像叫 ITC limited,用internet 使得farmers 直接卖soybean给ITC,farmers got high profit and the competition between is fierce and lower the cost of ITC,就是说大家都有盈啊  P3: 作者说internet与phone之类technological development对经济发展的确有作用,但phone是大家都买的起的,但是internet需要high income and literacy,所以在developing country 的作用还需考察。  题目有一道主旨题:选项C:讨论了一个indicator of the growth of the economy  选项E:solve the question about the relationship between tech development and growth of economy 类似这个意思,LZ 这题纠结了很久,不误导大家,其他貌似可以排除  其他都是细节题。  [版本9] by laixiangeffort  有道问农民为什么自己不把农作物直接卖给什么公司 而要通过trader 楼主认为只有2个选项靠谱 a、trder不愿把农民的位置告诉XX公司 b、农民不知道XX公司的信息啊 之类的 楼主选b但是我的VB 只有27 所以你们要自己读懂题目 慎重考虑  还有道问第一段的作用(第一段末尾楼主记得有个study表明通信技术的发展刺激了经济):也只有2个选项靠谱(怎么答案都是在2个选项里纠结)有一个是describe这个study怎样怎样什么经济发展 还有一个选项是说回答了下面提出的那个问题(就是whether 经济增长促进了通信技术 还是通信技术刺激了经济增长)还有一道是说提到internet 什么作用 有个选项是说什么他们的model不一样 其他的忘了  [版本10] by 紫诺 690  通信技术的那个。  想起来一个题,问怎么做有助于改变现状?选项就有:提供资金给农民买手机;厂商直接卖给农民电脑;给农民普及网络知识。。。。就这些吧,顺序可能不对 定位最后一段  [版本11] by ayy90  2.科技促进经济发展那个,可能我遇到的是变体还是看到寂静太激动没看清?!说促进农民和那个大food-processing company交流的是因特网,不是寂静说的手机。  p1:说科技促进经济发展云云。  p2:有个问题到底是谁推动谁?有个G就用例子来证明,说印度农民种大豆,完了在一个M开头的地方交易(有题!),这个地方只有几个中间商,所以中间商压低买入价格,高价卖给大公司。(跟之前寂静一样)  p3:印度一个互联网公司ITC?(记不太清楚了)搞了一个什么项目,推广internet,结果农民知道价格了,中间商也不敢为所欲为了,举例数字说明怎么怎么好(有题)  p4:推广internet有阻碍,不像手机,然后说以上这个是一个推广的方案,还有一个推广办法是resell(失忆中。。。这里还考题了,云里雾里的没搞懂)  [版本12] by BASSI  第四道是寂静有的手机和互联网那篇。  第一part说的是高科技对经济的影响啊,  第二part就是讲故事说中间商真么的详见本月阅读寂静  [考古] by gogogmat800  阅读通信技术 - 原文求確認~~  本月通信技术考的是不是這個??  In a forthcoming paper*, Aparajita Goyal of the World Bank has carried out a corresponding study for the internet by examining how the gradual introduction of internet kiosks providing price information affected the market for soyabeans in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. Farmers in the region sell their soyabeans to intermediaries in open auctions at government-regulated wholesale markets called mandis, a system that was set up in order to protect farmers from unscrupulous buyers. The intermediaries then sell on the produce to food-processing companies. The problem with this approach for the farmers is that the traders have a far better idea about the prices prevailing in different markets and being offered by processing companies. With only a few traders at each mandi, they can easily collude to ensure that they pay less than t they can then boost their profits by selling on the beans at a higher price.  ITC Limited, an Indian company that is one of the largest buyers of soyabeans, felt it was paying over the odds, but was unable to monitor the traders closely. Starting in October 2000 it began to introduce a network of internet kiosks, called e-choupal, in villages in Madhya Pradesh. (Choupal means “village gathering place” in Hindi.) By the end of 2004 a total of 1,704 kiosks had been set up, each of which served its host village and four others within a five-kilometre (three-mile) radius. The kiosks displayed the minimum and maximum price paid for soyabeans at 60 mandis, updated once a day, along with agricultural information and weather forecasts. ITC also posted the price it was prepared to pay for soyabeans of a particular quality bought direct from farmers at 45 “hubs” (mostly in the same towns as mandis). By setting up the kiosks, ITC enabled farmers to check that the prices being offered at their local mandi were in line with prices elsewhere. It also gave them the option to sell direct.  All this supports the anecdotal evidence that the internet can indeed make agricultural markets more efficient, just as mobile phones can. But whereas the expansion of mobile-phone access is now rapid and commercially self-sustaining—even very poor farmers can benefit from having a phone, and find the money to buy one—the same is not true of the internet. Its use requires a higher degree of literacy, for one thing, and computers cost more than handsets. The e-choupal approach, in which a company pays for the kiosks, another is for entrepreneurs to resell access to the internet from village kiosks, which is how mobile phones first caught on. Ms Qiang’s figures suggest that in the long run, the internet could have an even greater impact on economic growth than mobile phones did. But that will depend upon finding sustainable business models to encourage its spread in the poorest parts of the world.  /node/  确认信息技术那个考古~  In a forthcoming paper*, Aparajita Goyal of the World Bank has carried out a corresponding study for the internet by examining how the gradual introduction of internet kiosks providing price information affected the market for soyabeans in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. Farmers in the region sell their soyabeans to intermediaries in open auctions at government-regulated wholesale markets called mandis, a system that was set up in order to protect farmers from unscrupulous buyers. The intermediaries then sell on the produce to food-processing companies. The problem with this approach for the farmers is that the traders have a far better idea about the prices prevailing in different markets and being offered by processing companies. With only a few traders at each mandi, they can easily collude to ensure that they pay less than t they can then boost their profits by selling on the beans at a higher price.  ITC Limited, an Indian company that is one of the largest buyers of soyabeans, felt it was paying over the odds, but was unable to monitor the traders closely. Starting in October 2000 it began to introduce a network of internet kiosks, called e-choupal, in villages in Madhya Pradesh. (Choupal means “village gathering place” in Hindi.) By the end of 2004 a total of 1,704 kiosks had been set up, each of which served its host village and four others within a five-kilometre (three-mile) radius. The kiosks displayed the minimum and maximum price paid for soyabeans at 60 mandis, updated once a day, along with agricultural information and weather forecasts. ITC also posted the price it was prepared to pay for soyabeans of a particular quality bought direct from farmers at 45 “hubs” (mostly in the same towns as mandis). By setting up the kiosks, ITC enabled farmers to check that the prices being offered at their local mandi were in line with prices elsewhere. It also gave them the option to sell direct.  All this supports the anecdotal evidence that the internet can indeed make agricultural markets more efficient, just as mobile phones can. But whereas the expansion of mobile-phone access is now rapid and commercially self-sustaining—even very poor farmers can benefit from having a phone, and find the money to buy one—the same is not true of the internet. Its use requires a higher degree of literacy, for one thing, and computers cost more than handsets. The e-choupal approach, in which a company pays for the kiosks, another is for entrepreneurs to resell access to the internet from village kiosks, which is how mobile phones first caught on. Ms Qiang’s figures suggest that in the long run, the internet could have an even greater impact on economic growth than mobile phones did. But that will depend upon finding sustainable business models to encourage its spread in the poorest parts of the world.  这是我今天考到的,文章和这个真挺像的。。。但是有人说不是。。。我标了颜色的是重点,还是建议大家好好看看这篇文章,真的有助于理解。
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