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＞＞＞阅读理解。Not everyone has the chance to be a detective. Bu..
阅读理解。
&&&&&&Not everyone has the chance to be a detective. But I even got one when I was 13 years old. It happened in 1988. &&&&& One afternoon, I was walking down the street when I saw my father's new car. I expected to see my father, but to my surprise, I saw a young woman driving instead. "She stole my father's car," I thought. So I quickly stopped a taxi and got in. I said to the driver, "Follow that new car in front." And I told him why.&&&&&&&The taxi driver had a car phone, and I asked him to call the police. Soon we heard the sound of a police car and its loudspeaker. The police told the woman to stop her car. Our car came to a stop, too. I got out right now and said to the woman, " It's not your car. It's my father's." &&&&&& The woman smiled and said, "Oh. You're Mr. Johnson's younger son, right? I've ever seen your photo at your father's office." &&&&&& Before I could say another word, the woman explained that she was my father's new assistant. My father had asked her to take his computer to the shop to have it repaired. He lent his car. After hearing her words, we called my father and he told us what she said was true. The police and the taxidriver laughed I felt very sorry. It was both the first and last time for me to work as a detective. Don'tyou think my story funny?
1. The underlined words mean&&&&&&&&&&&&& .
A. I was a detective at my age of 13. B. I met a detective at my age of 13. C. I tried being a detective at my age of 13. D. I had a chance to be a detective
2. The author was surprised for&&&&&&&&&&&&& .
A. he saw his father's new car. B .a young woman stole his father's car. C. a taxi was chasing his father's car. D. a young woman was driving his father's car rather than his father.
3. From this passage, which of the following is true?
A. The woman had met the writer before. B. The writer would never act as a detective at all. C. The writer guessed his story was not funny. D. Mr. Johnson only had a son.
4. Who phoned Mr. Johnson to ask him if the young woman was his assistant?
A. The taxi driver B. The police C. we don't know D. The writer
5. Why did the police and the taxi driver laugh?
A .Because I felt sorry. B. Because they wanted to make me happy C. Because what the woman said was trueD.Because they wanted to make me uncomfortable
题型：阅读理解难度：偏难来源：0115
1-5: D D B C C
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据魔方格专家权威分析，试题“阅读理解。Not everyone has the chance to be a detective. Bu..”主要考查你对&&故事类阅读&&等考点的理解。关于这些考点的“档案”如下：
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因为篇幅有限，只列出部分考点，详细请访问。
故事类阅读
故事类阅读：文章一般描述的是某一件具体事情的发生发展或结局，有人物、时间、地点和事件。命题往往从故事的情节、人物或事件的之间的关系、作者的态度及意图、故事前因和后果的推测等方面着手，考查学生对细节的辨认能力以及推理判断能力。阅读这类材料时，同学们一定要根据主要情节掌握文章主旨大意，同时抓住每一个细节，设身处地根据文章内容揣摩作者的态度和意图，根据情节展开想象，即使是碰到深层理解题也可迎刃而解。故事类阅读注意：初中生接触到的阅读材料大都是故事类。阅读故事类的材料，应该抓住人物线索、地点线索、时间线索和情节发展线索。特别注意的是，以上线索往往是并存的。因为情节的发展总是涉及到人物的变化、时间的推移、场景的变换等。而阅读材料后的阅读理解往往会围绕这些内容设计一些事实类的理解题。凡事实类的理解题都可以从阅读材料的表层文字中找到答案。在阅读故事类短文时，应理解文章的深层含义，也就是它的主题。在此需要注意的是，现在的阅读理解题在测试事实类的理解题的同时，往往有一道推理类理解测试题．
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Ketamine: why not everyone wants a ban
By Rachel Wright
Close share panel
Image caption
Ketamine can have positive as well as negative uses
China is proposing there should be a worldwide ban on ketamine - the class B drug that can lead to users needing to have their bladders removed. But ketamine is used as an anaesthetic drug in much of Africa, and there are fears further international controls could affect medical usage too.In Lusaka's main hospital Dr Jane Kabwe examines a young woman who has just given birth "I had a heavy bleeding so I was transferred here - I feel dizzy and not well enough to stand up."Dr Kabwe recommends Christina is taken into theatre for an operation. For this procedure she can use ketamine, a drug which first hit the western market as a horse tranquiliser. It's a simple anaesthetic, administered as a pill, requiring no extra equipment or trained staff.
For us in the developing world ketamine is not something we can do withoutDr Jane Kabwe,
Dr Kabwe is a registrar in anaesthesiology but as she says, "Two thirds of Zambians live in remote places and when they need an operative procedure the only drug that is available is ketamine. "There are no readily available anaesthetic manpower, no equipment, so it's safe for anaesthetists to use. For us in the developing world ketamine is not something we can do without."Meanwhile in the west, ketamine is often used in a very different way.
One ex-user now talks to young children about his experience. "I've had to call a couple of ambulances because I was in so much pain. My nose has collapsed due to sniffing - I've got no cartilage behind it and I've had my bladder taken out and replaced."Ketamine is now the fourth most popular recreational drug in the UK. It has recently been upgraded to a class B drug - simple possession could land you a five-year jail sentence. Fifty other countries have banned it on a national level.
Image caption
Most ketamine is produced in China
Now China, where most ketamine is produced, wants it banned worldwide. Representatives are bringing their proposal in front of the annual session of the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs, where representatives of more than 100 countries are gathered in Vienna to discuss UN drug treaties.Prof Zhimin Liu, vice director of the National Institute on Drug Dependence at Peking University, is in Vienna to put China's case.He is worried by the proliferation of ketamine as a recreational drug in parts of Asia, Europe and the United States. "It is far from sufficient to rely on regional or national measures alone in combating a newly emerging substance such as ketamine which poses a health hazard.," he says."It is only through bringing ketamine under international control that there is a chance to call a halt to the risks."However Martin Jelsma from the drug and democracy programme at the Amsterdam-based Transnational Institute says the health risks are "simply not sufficient" to justify international control.He adds: "China is regularly under pressure especially from other Asian countries where ketamine is coming in from [China], so it's a gesture of goodwill that they are actively promoting international control even though they can domestically already do much more to control the illegal exports from their pharmaceutical production."The World Health Organization (WHO) has placed ketamine on its list of essential medicines - substances that should be available to patients in any health system.
Some of the developing countries who would be most affected by this decision, are not here.Mike Trace,, Former official with the UN Office of Drugs and Crime
The Zambian representative at the WHO in Geneva, Emmanuel Makasa, says, "We at public health fully understand the needs for this - it's an essential medicine. "Most of the representatives sitting at the Commission on Narcotic Drugs control are coming from law enforcement they are not coming from public health. "When there is a crisis or a war situation, the World Health Organization - when they send their teams in - they use ketamine. "So this really is against public health, and we hope that the health wing can have a good discussion with the law enforcement wing so we don't shoot ourselves in the foot."But as Mike Trace - a former high-ranking official in the UN Office of Drugs and Crime. points out - those most affected by the UN's decision are not going to be in Vienna to vote."The African countries, and some of the developing countries who would be most affected by this decision, are not here. "They are not very strongly represented in these debates because they don't have permanent diplomats in Vienna. "So their voice is not a strong voice and there is a real danger that a decision that deeply affects their own health decisions will be made without their own involvement."The Chinese delegation say that they are requesting the lowest level of restriction - known as schedule four - which would not affect its use for medical purposes.But Dr Kabwe in Lusaka's main hospital says any restriction will create a level of bureaucracy that will prohibit its use. "In Africa ketamine has not been abused. "So should Africa be at pains because of what is happening worldwide or should we work as a team and see what would be the best for the resource-limited countries. "For ketamine, we need it."
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Top StoriesNot Everyone Who Has an Abortion Is a Woman - How to Frame the Abortion Rights Issue
(Photo: )The "War on Women" isn't just a war on women. Trans men and gender-non-conforming people are losing their rights too, and we need to rework how we frame these "women's issues."
The last month has been particularly brutal for abortion rights activists and women's health advocates, as state after state has proposed and/or passed various bills that restrict abortion access and undermine abortion care. In response, there has been a re-energized reproductive rights movement, with many across the nation stating that they "Stand With Texas Women" or "Stand With North Carolina Women." But in this response, abortion rights activists have overlooked and dismissed a very important reality: Not everyone who has an abortion is a woman.
Abortion is so often framed as a women's issue by both those who advocate for abortion rights and those who seek to dismiss abortion as frivolous. And for abortion rights, a movement that took root in the late 1960s and early 1970s, this makes sense. Prior to a deeper understanding and problematizing of gender and the way that it works, in our social construction, only women had abortions because only women could get pregnant. But in 2013, we should know better, and we need to do better.
At this crucial moment for reproductive freedom and abortion access, the abortion rights movement stands at yet another crossroads: How do we adequately address and include those who have abortions but are not women?
We must acknowledge and come to terms with the implicit cissexism in assuming that only women have abortions. Trans men have abortions. People who do not identify as women have abortions. They deserve to be represented in our advocacy and activist framework. Honestly, I am guilty of perpetuating that harmful myth, both in my rhetoric and framing. I often frame abortion restrictions as misogynistic attacks meant to control women's reproductive lives, and that is true. But abortion restrictions also affect the lives of people who aren't women, and they hinder trans men and gender-non-conforming people and others who were Designated Female at Birth (DFAB) from accessing abortion care, as well.&
"Stand with Ohio Women" and the "War on Women" may be great rallying cries, but they also very clearly reiterate the notion that abortion is both solely a women's issue and that only women have abortions. This can make those in the trans community feel excluded, and it can deter them from both seeking the abortion care they may need or becoming actively involved in abortion rights advocacy.&
Leading the way on becoming more gender inclusive around the issue of abortion is the
(NYAAF), which recently agreed to shift its mission statement and values to reflect more gender inclusive language. NYAAF also created a Gender Inclusive Task Force to reach out to the LGBTQ communities and inform them that NYAAF helps fund abortions for all people, not just women. :&
We want to make sure that NYAAF isn't just working toward every woman's right to access&affordable&abortion care, but every&person's right, regardless of their gender.&We realized that embracing gender inclusivity is about more than not assuming the gender pronouns that our callers use or replacing 'woman' with 'people' everywhere on our website. Becoming gender inclusive is an important part of our values as an organization.
More abortion rights and abortion care organizations need to follow suit with NYAAF. But individual activists can take action on a smaller level, even without the official sanctioning of nonprofits and advocacy organizations. We can begin by listening.
Ellen, who identifies as transgenderqueer, notes that "the best thing [cisgender] allies can do is to be receptive to criticism and ask trans people for alternatives. When you do this, it shows that you're listening and aware that your choice of language makes an impact." As Ellen also highlighted, trans people often feel that they are a burden to cisgender (which means your gender identity is the same as the sex with which you were born) abortion rights activists when they call out the problematic and exclusionary language upon which we rely.
Beyond that, we should begin to accept and grapple with, on individual and community levels, what it means to frame abortion as a women's issue and why we continue to be so reluctant or unable to be more gender inclusive. This requires effort, yes, but it is essential to our work and to a deeper understanding that
does not only apply to women, but to all people. All people who need an abortion should be able to access one, and that does not solely apply to women.
I agree that restricting abortion rights is a misogynistic attempt to control women's reproductive lives and undermine women's reproductive autonomy. I firmly believe that misogyny lies at the heart of restricting abortion rights. But I also acknowledge that the misogyny of restricting abortion rights applies to trans* people, too. It affects a trans man who needs an abortion in North Dakota just as much as it does a cisgender woman in Texas.&As Ellen so poignantly said, "this abortion debate is about agency, about choice and about attacks on our bodies," and that includes those who are not women.&
So yes, I stand with women. I also stand with trans men and gender-non-conforming people. Do you?
is a helpful glossary of trans, genderqueer, and queer terms.
Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without .
Lauren is a a feminist activist, a freelance writer, and a graduate student in Women's and Gender Studies at Rutgers University.
Related StoriesBy Ruth Marcus,
| Op-EdBy Amy Goodman, Juan González,
| Video Report
FOLLOW TRUTHOUT
By Ana Carolina Garriga,
| News Analysis
By Zenobia Jeffries,
By Amy Goodman and Juan González,
| Video Interview
(Photo: )The "War on Women" isn't just a war on women. Trans men and gender-non-conforming people are losing their rights too, and we need to rework how we frame these "women's issues."
The last month has been particularly brutal for abortion rights activists and women's health advocates, as state after state has proposed and/or passed various bills that restrict abortion access and undermine abortion care. In response, there has been a re-energized reproductive rights movement, with many across the nation stating that they "Stand With Texas Women" or "Stand With North Carolina Women." But in this response, abortion rights activists have overlooked and dismissed a very important reality: Not everyone who has an abortion is a woman.
Abortion is so often framed as a women's issue by both those who advocate for abortion rights and those who seek to dismiss abortion as frivolous. And for abortion rights, a movement that took root in the late 1960s and early 1970s, this makes sense. Prior to a deeper understanding and problematizing of gender and the way that it works, in our social construction, only women had abortions because only women could get pregnant. But in 2013, we should know better, and we need to do better.
At this crucial moment for reproductive freedom and abortion access, the abortion rights movement stands at yet another crossroads: How do we adequately address and include those who have abortions but are not women?
We must acknowledge and come to terms with the implicit cissexism in assuming that only women have abortions. Trans men have abortions. People who do not identify as women have abortions. They deserve to be represented in our advocacy and activist framework. Honestly, I am guilty of perpetuating that harmful myth, both in my rhetoric and framing. I often frame abortion restrictions as misogynistic attacks meant to control women's reproductive lives, and that is true. But abortion restrictions also affect the lives of people who aren't women, and they hinder trans men and gender-non-conforming people and others who were Designated Female at Birth (DFAB) from accessing abortion care, as well.&
"Stand with Ohio Women" and the "War on Women" may be great rallying cries, but they also very clearly reiterate the notion that abortion is both solely a women's issue and that only women have abortions. This can make those in the trans community feel excluded, and it can deter them from both seeking the abortion care they may need or becoming actively involved in abortion rights advocacy.&
Leading the way on becoming more gender inclusive around the issue of abortion is the
(NYAAF), which recently agreed to shift its mission statement and values to reflect more gender inclusive language. NYAAF also created a Gender Inclusive Task Force to reach out to the LGBTQ communities and inform them that NYAAF helps fund abortions for all people, not just women. :&
We want to make sure that NYAAF isn't just working toward every woman's right to access&affordable&abortion care, but every&person's right, regardless of their gender.&We realized that embracing gender inclusivity is about more than not assuming the gender pronouns that our callers use or replacing 'woman' with 'people' everywhere on our website. Becoming gender inclusive is an important part of our values as an organization.
More abortion rights and abortion care organizations need to follow suit with NYAAF. But individual activists can take action on a smaller level, even without the official sanctioning of nonprofits and advocacy organizations. We can begin by listening.
Ellen, who identifies as transgenderqueer, notes that "the best thing [cisgender] allies can do is to be receptive to criticism and ask trans people for alternatives. When you do this, it shows that you're listening and aware that your choice of language makes an impact." As Ellen also highlighted, trans people often feel that they are a burden to cisgender (which means your gender identity is the same as the sex with which you were born) abortion rights activists when they call out the problematic and exclusionary language upon which we rely.
Beyond that, we should begin to accept and grapple with, on individual and community levels, what it means to frame abortion as a women's issue and why we continue to be so reluctant or unable to be more gender inclusive. This requires effort, yes, but it is essential to our work and to a deeper understanding that
does not only apply to women, but to all people. All people who need an abortion should be able to access one, and that does not solely apply to women.
I agree that restricting abortion rights is a misogynistic attempt to control women's reproductive lives and undermine women's reproductive autonomy. I firmly believe that misogyny lies at the heart of restricting abortion rights. But I also acknowledge that the misogyny of restricting abortion rights applies to trans* people, too. It affects a trans man who needs an abortion in North Dakota just as much as it does a cisgender woman in Texas.&As Ellen so poignantly said, "this abortion debate is about agency, about choice and about attacks on our bodies," and that includes those who are not women.&
So yes, I stand with women. I also stand with trans men and gender-non-conforming people. Do you?
is a helpful glossary of trans, genderqueer, and queer terms.
Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without .
Lauren is a a feminist activist, a freelance writer, and a graduate student in Women's and Gender Studies at Rutgers University.
Related StoriesBy Ruth Marcus,
| Op-EdBy Amy Goodman, Juan González,
| Video Report