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老外来中国之前和之后对中国的印象!
本帖最后由 价值立方 于
22:05 编辑
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沙发，对中国的误解还是西方宣传的原因
两个中国面孔去问这些，你能问出些什么？
最后那哥们说好像资本主义接管世界一样让我心里有点小厌恶，说的好像只有资本主义才能现代化似的
让人觉得落后点也没什么不好的，至少那些黑绿偷渡者不会上杆子往咱们这钻。高卢和牛牛不都给这些偷渡者跪了么：咱么这真没那么好，求你们别来了！
最后那哥们说好像资本主义接管世界一样让我心里有点小厌恶，说的好像只有资本主义才能现代化似的
我不觉得中国现在的路线和资本主义有多大分别，只不过是政体上的分别和名称上的遮羞布罢了
中国是政府管制下的资本& & 美国是资本管制下的政府&&
谁说的公产主义不能有资本市场&&请标注出处或引用
沙发，对中国的误解还是西方宣传的原因
只是西方的更新速度太慢
好像看过& && && && && && &&&
妖魔化宣传很有效果嘛，传统。。。不就是想说落后么。
“老人在街上不停的吃米饭”
这位脑都被洗没了吧
其实想想，毕竟我们才发展起来没多少年。再过50年，估计世界上再也不会出现那种观念了。
龙腾移动网页版
其实被采访的人也只看到了中国发达城市的一面而已
最后那哥们说好像资本主义接管世界一样让我心里有点小厌恶，说的好像只有资本主义才能现代化似的
全世界老百姓都被不同程度洗脑而已
西方人最终要搬起石头打自己的脚，当他们的公民意识到自己被媒体严重洗脑后，哈哈，反抗会更加厉害。
最后那哥们说好像资本主义接管世界一样让我心里有点小厌恶，说的好像只有资本主义才能现代化似的
这帮白痴根本不知道，宋朝中国人就发明了纸币，还有最早的类银行系统的钱庄...商业已经开始有资本主义萌芽了
被采访的话感觉说出的话会有顾及& &不是十分真心
中国人对世界了解的程度，远远超过世界对中国的了解。
这种采访最没意思
本帖最后由 栋栋 于
03:50 编辑
& &一个中国人去作街头采访，老外说的肯定都是巴结的话啦，人家肯定不好意思对着你的面说中国人的坏话啦!
& & 这制作节目的人，就是一个脑残，想要得到公正的采访，最起码你也得叫一个老外去呀?!除非，你只想多听些老外的好话，以满足你那小小的虚荣心！
第一对情侣明显再说假话
好像故意去找表扬似的，不太喜欢这种方式。
视频里说的资本主义接管了世界，说的是中国的城市建设跟别的国家一样，没保留多少本民族的东西
中国有机会复原中国风的现代城市，等着吧，百年之后
龙腾移动网页版
Riffman 发表于
最后那哥们说好像资本主义接管世界一样让我心里有点小厌恶，说的好像只有资本主义才能现代化似的
你听着觉得特别扭，但是一想。。确实是这样，有一个国家是例外吗？别说咱们，咱们也是披着社会主义皮的资本主义。。。我觉得更像国家资本主义
你听着觉得特别扭，但是一想。。确实是这样，有一个国家是例外吗？别说咱们，咱们也是披着社会主义皮的资 ...
我父母是大国企职工，所以我在这方面的感触比较少
最后那哥们说好像资本主义接管世界一样让我心里有点小厌恶，说的好像只有资本主义才能现代化似的
他说的是事实。如果中国依然采用计划经济体制，那我们现在不过就是个大号朝鲜。
中国是政府管制下的资本& & 美国是资本管制下的政府&&
谁说的公产主义不能有资本市场&&请标注出处或引用
共产主义是什么还是要搞搞清楚的。共产主义就不允许有私有制存在。
共产主义是什么还是要搞搞清楚的。共产主义就不允许有私有制存在。
共产主义在中国早就进了棺材了，坟头草都一人高了，咱们现在算是披着社会主义外衣的国家集权是资本主义吧。
这种采访我觉得还是最好外人至少是外国人帮着做吧，第一对情侣的妹子说完第一段话表情明显是不满意的。你哪怕是去了非洲被黑叔叔采访也只能说当地食物天然，没有雾霾这种恭维话
他说的是事实。如果中国依然采用计划经济体制，那我们现在不过就是个大号朝鲜。
可是按照邓小平的理论计划经济、市场经济和社会主义、资本主义之间并不是一一对应的不是么
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Comsenz Inc.分享：一篇在上海生活多年的外国人对中国生活现状的感慨！值得一读
马克·基多（Mark Kitto），北威尔士人，活跃于上海的作家和知名出版人，《That's Shanghai
》杂志创办人，在中国生活了十几年。&
You’ll never be Chinese&
你永远无法成为中国人&
by Mark Kitto/August 8, 2012&
作者 Mark Kitto（马克·基多）日&
Why I’m leaving the country I loved.&
为什么我要离开这个深爱的国家。&
Mark K Photo: Eric Leleu&
Mark Kitto 和他的家人；照片来自：Eric Leleu&
Death and taxes. You know how the saying goes. I’d like to add a
third certainty: you’ll never become Chinese, no matter how hard
you try, or want to, or think you ought to. I wanted to be Chinese,
once. I don’t mean I wanted to wear a silk jacket and cotton
slippers, or a Mao suit and cap and dye my hair black and proclaim
that blowing your nose in a handkerchief is disgusting. I wanted
China to be the place where I made a career and lived my life. For
the past 16 years it has been precisely that. But now I will be
你一定知道这样一句谚语：生命中什么都不是必然的，除了死亡和纳税。但我想加上这第三条必然：你永远无法成为中国人，不论你多么努力、多么渴望、多么自命不凡。曾经，我也想成为中国人。这并不是指我想穿着丝衣布鞋或是中山装、然后染成黑发戴上帽子，指责这里残存的陋习。我希望中国是一个我能工作和生活的地方。在过去的16年里，它也的确是这样的。然而现在，我将选择离开。&
I won’t be rushing back either. I have fallen out of love, woken
from my China Dream. “But China is an economic miracle: record
number of people lifted out of poverty in record time… year on year
ten per cent growth… exports… imports… infrastructure…
investment…saved the world during the 2008 financial crisis…” The
superlatives roll on. We all know them, roughly.&
我不会再回来了。因为我已不再向往中国梦并从中醒来了。“然而中国却是一个经济奇迹：在创纪录的时间内，人民摆脱贫困的数字同样刷新了记录...进出口额、基础建设、投资数量都以每年10%的比率稳步增长……在2008年金融危机时更是拯救了世界……”&
Don’t you think, with all the growth and infrastructure, the
material wealth, let alone saving the world like some kind of
financial whizz James Bond, that China would be a happier and
healthier country? At least better than the country emerging from
decades of stultifying state control that I met and fell in love
with in 1986 when I first came here as a student? I don’t think it
先不谈像007那样拯救世界的事，就说凭借着这样的发展、基础建设、物质财富，难道你不认为中国会是个更为幸福快乐的国家吗？&1986年，作为学生的我第一次来到了中国并爱上了它，那时中国还是个刚摆脱单调政府控制的新兴国家；至少现在的中国也该比那时要好上许多了吧？但我可不这么认为。&
When I arrived in Beijing for the second year of my Chinese degree
course, from London University’s School of Oriental and African
Studies (SOAS), China was communist. Compared to the west, it was
backward. There were few cars on the streets, thousands of
bicycles, scant streetlights, and countless donkey carts that moved
at the ideal speed for students to clamber on board for a ride back
to our dormitories. My “responsible teacher” (a cross between a
housemistress and a parole officer) was a fearsome former Red Guard
nicknamed Dragon Hou. The basic necessities of daily life: food,
drink, clothes and a bicycle, cost peanuts. We lived like kings—or
we would have if there had been anything regal to spend our money
on. But there wasn’t. One shop, the downtown Friendship Store, sold
coffee in tins.&
我原本就读于伦敦大学东方与非洲研究专业，为了汉语学位课程，我来到北京，当时的中国是共产主义国家，和西方相比还很落后。大街上汽车寥寥无几，自行车成千上万，路灯屈指可数。不计其数的驴车悠哉悠哉地走在路上，学生们爬上车板，就能够搭一程顺风车返回宿舍。我的“课程负责人”（介于家庭主妇和监狱假释官之间）是一位令人望而生畏的前红卫兵，绰号“侯夜叉”。日常生活必需品包括：食物、饮水、衣物和自行车，物美价廉。我们过着帝王一般的生活——或者说只要我们愿意，就能花钱购置到一切。但是当时中国并没有这样的物质条件。只有市中心的友谊商店卖罐装咖啡。&
We had the time of our lives, as students do, but it isn’t the
pranks and adventures I remember most fondly, not from my current
viewpoint, the top of a mountain called Moganshan, 100 miles west
of Shanghai, where I have lived for the past seven
&我们像学生一样度日。但我最深情怀念的，最充满戏谑和奇遇的经历（不是从我现在的观点）却是在莫干山顶度过的时光。莫干山在上海以西100里，过去七年我一直在那里生活。&
If I had to choose one word to describe China in the mid-1980s it
would be optimistic. A free market of sorts was in its early
stages. With it came the first inflation China had experienced in
35 years. People were actually excited by that. It was a sign of
progress, and a promise of more to come. Underscoring the optimism
was a sense of social obligation for which communism was at least
in part responsible, generating either the fantasy that one really
could be a selfless socialist, or unity in the face of the reality
that there was no such thing.&
如果要我用一个词语描述80年代中期的中国的话，我会选择“乐观”。随着初具雏形的自由市场的发展，中国三十五年以来首次迎来通货膨胀。人们兴致勃勃，这是进步的标志，并且前途一片光明。乐观是一种社会责任感，有了它，共产主义才能取信于民。受到这种乐观情绪的感染，人们不仅幻想一个人会真正成为大公无私的社会主义者，而且在共产主义其实虚无缥缈的真相面前，仍能团结一致。&
In 1949 Mao had declared from the top of Tiananmen gate in Beijing:
“The Chinese people have stood up.” In the mid-1980s, at long last,
they were learning to walk and talk.&
1949年，毛主席在北京天安门顶宣布：“中国人民从此站起来了。”终于，在80年代中期，中国人才开始学着怎样走路说话。&
One night in January 1987 I watched them, chanting and singing as
they marched along snow-covered streets from the university quarter
towards Tiananmen Square. It was the first of many student
demonstrations that would lead to the infamous “incident” in June
1987年1月的一个晚上，路上白雪皑皑，在从学校往天安门的一刻钟方向，我看到了边行进边颂唱着的队伍。那就是之后多次学生游行中的第一次，也是后来那个声名狼藉的“事件”的导火索。&&
When I returned to China in 1996, to begin the life and career I
had long dreamed about, I found the familiar air of optimism, but
there was a subtle difference: a distinct whiff of commerce in
place of community. The excitement was more like
the&&eager
anticipation I felt once I had signed a deal (I began my China
career as a metals trader), sure that I was going to bank a profit,
rather than the thrill that something truly big was about to
1996年我回到中国，在这里开始了期待已久的生活和事业。我再次感受到了乐观主义的氛围，但和过去有些微差别：显而易见，商业的和风正在缓缓吹送，取代了长期以来的社会主义。这种兴奋感更类似于我签署一项交易协议后（我在中国做金属买卖）跃跃欲试的感觉，因为我马上就会得到一笔丰厚利润，而不是对重大事件即将发生的兴奋期待之情。&
A deal had been struck. Deng had promised the Chinese people
material wealth they hadn’t known for centuries on the condition
that they never again asked for political change. The Party said:
“Trust us and everything will be all right.”&
协议已经达成。邓小平向中国人承诺他们数百年未曾得见的财富，作为交换，他们永远不再寻求政治变革。共产党宣称：“相信我们，一切都会变好。”&
Twenty years later, everything is not all right.&
二十年后，中国的现状却并非如此。&
I must stress that this indictment has nothing to do with the
trajectory of my own China career, which went from metal trading to
building a multi-million dollar magazine publishing business that
was seized by the government in 2004, followed by retreat to this
mountain hideaway of Moganshan where my Chinese wife and I have
built a small business centred on a coffee shop and three
guesthouses, which in turn has given me enough anecdotes and gossip
to fill half a page of Prospect every month for several years. That
our current business could suffer the same fate as my magazines if
the local government decides not to renew our short-term leases
(for which we have to beg every three years) does, however,
contribute to my decision not to remain in
我得强调，对于中国政府的控诉和我在中国的事业轨迹毫无关联。我起先做的是金属买卖，后来投资数百万美元办杂志，但在2004年被政府查封了。后来我退隐山林，我和我的中国妻子在莫干山上做点小生意，经营着一家咖啡店和三家家庭旅馆。在这儿我常能听到许多逸闻趣事、蜚短流长。在好几年的时间里，我凭借这些小故事在Prospect杂志上谋得一席之地，每月为他们撰稿半页。如果地方政府决定不再延长我们的短期租约的话（为了续租，我们每三年都必须苦苦哀求），我们现在在山上的这点生意恐怕也会遭到和我当年办的杂志同样的命运。然而，这只是我下定决心离开中国的原因之一。&
During the course of my magazine business, my state-owned
competitor (enemy is more accurate) told me in private that they
studied every issue I produced so they could learn from me. They
appreciated my contribution to Chinese media. They proceeded to do
everything in their power to destroy me. In Moganshan our local
government masters send messages of private thanks for my
contribution to the resurrection of the village as a tourist
destination, but also clearly state that I am an exception to their
unwritten rule that foreigners (who originally built the village in
the early 1900s) are not welcome back to live in it, and are only
allowed to stay for weekends.&
在我办杂志的过程中，这个行业的国营竞争者（更确切说是敌人）悄悄告诉我他们研究了我的每一期杂志，从而借鉴了我。他们感谢我为中国传媒行业所作出的贡献，接着竭尽全力毁掉了我的事业。在莫干山，我们的地方政府官员私下里捎信对我表示感谢，因为是我将一个山村复兴为旅游目的地。然而，他们也明确告诉我，对于不成文的规定而言我是个例外——不欢迎外国人回到这里居住（外国人于20世纪初建造这个村子），只允许他们呆上几周。&
But this article is not personal. I want to give you my opinion of
the state of China, based on my time living here, in the three
biggest cities and one tiny rural community, and explain why I am
leaving it.&
但是这篇文章不是针对个人的。我想告诉你们的是整个中国的情形，我的看法完全基于在此的生活，中国的前三大城市，以及一个小山村。我想谈谈离开中国的原因。&
day mainland Chinese society is focused on one object: money and
the acquisition thereof. The politically correct term in China is
“economic benefit.” The country and its people, on average, are far
wealthier than they were 25 years ago. Traditional family culture,
thanks to 60 years of self-serving socialism followed by another 30
of the “one child policy,” has become a “me” culture. Except where
there is economic benefit to be had, communities do not act
together, and when they do it is only to ensure equal financial
compensation for the pollution, or the government-sponsored illegal
land grab, or the poisoned children. Social status, so important in
Chinese culture and more so thanks to those 60 years of communism,
is defined by the display of wealth. Cars, apartments, personal
jewellery, clothing, pets: all must be new and shiny, and carry a
famous foreign brand name.&
当代的中国大陆社会见钱眼开，人们只关注钱，以及凭借钱而获得的物质财富。在中国，“经济利益”是一条政治正确的术语。这个国家和她的人民，从平均值来看，比起25年前要富裕得多。由于60年自私自利的社会主义以及30年的计划生育，传统家庭文化已经蜕变为“利己”文化。除非有经济利益存在，否则大众绝不会齐心协力。而当他们团结一致之时，却只是为了确保政府能够为污染、非法土地攫取及受毒害的儿童买单，而自己能从中捞到一笔等价的财政补偿。&拜共产主义60年所赐，在中国文化中如此重要的社会地位，现在被定义为了炫富。汽车、公寓、个人珠宝、服装、宠物：一切都必须灿然一新，而且得打上外国名牌的标签。&
In the small rural village where we live I am not asked about my
health or that of my family, I am asked how much money our small
business is making, how much our car cost, our
在我们居住的小乡村，人们问我的并不是我的或者我家人的健康，而是问我们的小生意能赚多少钱，我们的车或者我们的狗得花多少钱。&
The trouble with money of course, and showing off how much you
have, is that you upset the people who have very little. Hence the
Party’s campaign to promote a “harmonious society,” its vast
spending on urban and rural beautification projects, and reliance
on the sale of “land rights” more than personal
一旦涉及钱，以及炫耀你很有钱，毫无例外，你就会让那些没什么钱的人不舒服。因此就有了党开展的一场弘扬“和谐社会”的运动，大量的资金投入到城市和农村的亮化工程，以及财政收入依赖“土地权”买卖而不是个人所得税等现象。&
Once you’ve purchased the necessary baubles, you’ll want to invest
the rest somewhere safe, preferably with a decent return—all the
more important because one day you will have to pay your own
medical bills and pension, besides overseas school and college
fees. But there is nowhere to put it except into property or under
the mattress. The stock markets are rigged, the banks operate in a
way that is non-commercial, and the yuan is still strictly
non-convertible. While the privileged, powerful and well-connected
transfer their wealth overseas via legally questionable channels,
the remainder can only buy yet more apartments or thicker
mattresses. The result is the biggest property bubble in history,
which when it pops will sound like a thousand firework
accidents.&
&在买了一些琐碎的必需品以后，你会想把剩下的钱投资到比较安全的地方，如果有可观的回报就更理想了。其实最重要的是，除了支付留学的费用外，总有一天，你不得不自行支付医疗和养老金。但除了买房或床垫下面，实在是没什么地方可放钱的。股市有人操纵，银行不按行规运作，人民币依然不可兑换。有权的，有势的，有门路的通过可疑的不法渠道将财富转移到海外。剩下没本事的只能买更多的房或更厚的床垫了。这一切导致了有史以来最大的房地产泡沫，当它破裂时，将会像无数的烟花爆竹事故一样震耳欲聋。&
In brief, Chinese property
owning a home has
become unaffordable for the and vast
residential developments continue to be built across the country
whose units are primarily sold as investments, not homes. If you
own a property you are more than likely to own at least three. Many
of our friends do. If you don’t own a property, you are
&简而言之，中国房产价格正在飞涨；对城里的年轻工人来说，拥有房子已经变得不可及了；而大型房地产开发项目还继续在全国遍地开花。这些房地产的单元并不是当做房子，而是当成一种投资来卖的。如果你已经有了一套房子，你很有可能至少要够3套。我们的很多朋友都是这样。如果你没有房子，你真的很有问题。&
When the bubble pops, or in the remote chance that it deflates
gradually, the wealth the Party gave the people will deflate too.
The promise will have been broken. And there’ll still be the
medical bills, pensions and school fees. The people will want their
money back, or a say in their future, which amounts to a political
voice. If they are denied, they will cease to be
harmonious.&
&当泡沫破裂时，或者在几乎不可能的情况下经济逐渐紧缩时，党给予人民的财富也会缩水。承诺将得不到兑现。可那时医疗、退休金和学费还得自行解决。人民就会要求要回他们的钱，或者要求自主他们自己的前程。这些都会汇聚成一种政治诉求。如果得不到解决，人民将不再“和谐”。&
Meanwhile, what of the ethnic minorities and the factory workers,
the people on whom it is more convenient for the government to
dispense overwhelming force rather than largesse? If an outburst of
ethnic or labour discontent coincides with the collapse of the
property market, and you throw in a scandal like the melamine
tainted milk of 2008, or a fatal train crash that shows up massive,
high level corruption, as in Wenzhou in 2011, and suddenly the
harmonious society is likely to become a chorus of
discontent.&
与此同时，少数民族和工人的问题会变得怎么样？对于政府来说是对他们进行强行压制会比慷慨施舍更容易对付。如果伴随着房地产市场崩溃，民族问题爆发和劳动者不满，有人火上浇油地添加一些丑闻，如2008年的三聚氰胺牛奶事件，2011年温州致命的动车事故牵出的高层腐败案件，很有可能一夜之间，社会的和谐变成不满的合唱。&
How will the Party deal with that? How will it
这个政党将如何面对这一切? 它要如何领导?&
Unfortunately it has forgotten. The government is so scared of the
people it prefers not to lead them.&
不幸的是它已经被遗忘了。这个政府是如此的害怕人民而非愿意去领导人民。&
In rural China, village level decisions that require higher
authorisation are passed up the chain of command, sometimes all the
way to Beijing, and returned with the note attached: “You decide.”
The Party only steps to the fore where its power or personal wealth
is under direct threat. The country is ruled from behind closed
doors, a building without an address or a telephone number. The
people in that building do not allow the leaders they appoint to
actually lead. Witness Grandpa Wen, the nickname for the current,
soon to be outgoing, prime minister. He is either a puppet and a
clever bluff, or a man who genuinely wants to do the right thing.
His proposals for reform (aired in a 2010 interview on CNN,
censored within China) are good, but he will never be able to enact
them, and he knows it.&
在中国农村，需要更高级别审核的村级决定要向行政指令链的上层传递，有时最终会上传到北京，然后返回一个批示说：“自行决定”。党仅仅按步就班地行进除非它的权力或个人财产受到威胁。乡村是关起门来封闭统治的，一个没有地址或电话号码的体制而已。这个体制中的人们并不充许其领导真的来领导他们。见证w爷爷，流行的，快要离职的总理的昵称。他如果不是一个傀儡和精明的演员就是一个真诚的想做好事情的人。他的改革提议（发表于2010年的CNN访谈，在中国国内已被审查）是非常的好，但他绝对不会颁布这些提议，他对此心知肚明。&
To rise to the top you must be grey, with no strong views or ideas.
Leadership contenders might think, and here I hypothesise, that
once they are in position they can show their “true colours.” Too
late they realise that will never be possible. As a publisher I
used to deal with officials who listened to the people in one of
the wings of that building.&
上升到顶层后你必须有灰色的立场，没有了强有力的见解或看法。领导权的争夺者可能会认为，按我的假设，一旦他们处于那个位置他们就能显现其“本色”。当他们意识到那是不可能的时候就已经太迟了。作为一名出版商我常常与官员们打交道，他们倾听过体制内人群的声音。&
They always spoke as if there was a monster in the next room, one
that cannot be named. It was “them” or “our leaders.” Once or twice
they called it the “China Publishing Group.” No such thing exists.
I searched hard for it. It is a chimera.&
他们说话时总好像隔壁的房间里藏着一个妖怪，一个没被提及过的东西。它是“他们”或者“我们的领导”。 有一两次他们叫它“中国出版集团”。
这些都不存在。 我曾坚难地寻找它们。 它只一个妄想罢了。&
In that building are the people who, according to pundits, will be
in charge of what they call the Chinese Century. “China is the next
superpower,” we’re told. “Accept it. Deal with it.” How do you deal
with a faceless leader, who when called upon to adjudicate in an
international dispute sends the message: “You
decide”?&
在体制内的人是谁，这取决于学者们，最终由所谓的中国世纪负责。我们被告知，“中国是下一个超极大国”。“接受它，适应它”。&你如何去适应一个毫无个性的领导者，当其被请求对国际争端作出裁决时，它给出的信息是“自行决定”？&
It is often argued that China led the world once before, so we have
nothing to fear. As the Chinese like to say, they only want to
“regain their rightful position.” While there is no dispute that
China was once the major world superpower, there are two
fundamental problems with the idea that it should therefore regain
that “rightful position.”&
一个常有的关于中国的争论是：中国曾经领导过世界，因此我们没啥可担心的。中国人也喜欢说，他们仅仅想要“重新获得其应有的地位”。对于中国曾经是世界主要的超极大国是没有争议的，因此它应重新获得“应有的地位”的这种想法就有了两个基本的问题。&
A key reason China achieved primacy was its size. As it is today,
China was, and always will be, big. (China loves “big.” “Big” is
good. If a Chinese person ever asks you what you think of China,
just say “It’s big,” and they will be delighted.) If you are the
biggest, and physical size matters as it did in the days before
microchips, you tend to dominate.&
中国取得主导地位的一个关键因素是它的体量。和现如今一样，中国是，并且一直都将是，巨大的。（中国很喜欢“大”。“大”就是好。无论何时，当一个中国人问你对中国的看法时，只要回答“中国很大”，那么他们将很满意。）如果你是最大的，在你所具有的其物理尺寸还没有被微型化小型化之前，你往往能占据主导地位。&
Once in charge the Chinese sat back and accepted tribute from their
suzerain and vassal states, such as Tibet. If trouble was brewing
beyond its borders that might threaten the security or interests of
China itself, the troublemakers were set against each other or paid
当中国曾经处于主导地位时,中国人温和地坐享周边领主与番属国的朝觐，例如XZ。如果麻烦发展到超出中国制定的框架并威胁到中国自身的安全与利益时，这些麻烦制造者会被打击或给些甜头。
The second reason the rightful position idea is misguided is that
the world in which China was the superpower did not include the
Americas, an enlightened Europe or a modern Africa. The world does
not want to live in a Chinese century, just as much of it doesn’t
like living in an American one. China, politically, culturally and
as a society, is inward looking. It does not welcome
intruders—unless they happen to be militarily superior and invade
from the north, as did two imperial dynasties, the Yuan ()
and the Qing (), who became more Chinese than the Chinese
themselves. Moreover, the fates of the Mongols, who became the
Yuan, and Manchu, who became the Qing, provide the ultimate
deterrent: “Invade us and be consumed from the inside,” rather like
the movie Alien. All non-Chinese are, to the Chinese, aliens, in a
mildly derogatory sense. The polite word is “Outsider.” The Chinese
are on “The Inside.” Like anyone who does not like what is going on
outside—the weather, a loud argument, a natural disaster—the
Chinese can shut the door on it. Maybe they’ll stick up a note:
“Knock when you’ve decided how to deal with it.”&
&关于中国应有地位的想法被误导的第二个因素是，当中国作为霸权存在的世界里并不包含美国，具有启蒙思想的欧洲或现代非洲。这个世界根本就不想生活在中国世纪，它只是想尽可能地不生活于美国世纪而已。中国，在政治上，文化上和作为一个社会，其目光是内向的。它不欢迎干预者——除了偶尔在军事上占优势的北方入侵者，作为两大帝国，元（）清（），他俩的改变比中国人自身的改变更多。而且，蒙古族人的命运是他们变成了元朝人，满族人命运是他们变成了清朝人，这给出了终极的威慑：“侵略我们的都将被从内部毁灭”，和电影里的外星人颇为相似。所有的非中国人，对中国人而言，是外星人，这是一种温和而带有贬义的认知。文雅的说法是“外人”。而中国人就是“内”。同不关心外面是怎么会事的人一样——天气，大声的争论，自然灾害——中国人能对它们关上大门。也许他们的门上将贴上一张便条，上写：“当你已经决定如何处理这些事情的时候，再来敲门吧”。&
Leadership requires empathy, an ability to put yourself in your
subordinate’s shoes. It also requires decisiveness and a
willingness to accept responsibility. Believing themselves to be
unique, the Chinese find it almost impossible to empathise.
Controlled by people with conflicting interests, China’s government
struggles to be decisive in domestic issues, let alone foreign
ones. Witness the postponement of the leadership handover thanks to
the Bo Xilai scandal. And the system is designed to make avoidance
of responsibility a prerequisite before any major decision is
taken. (I know that sounds crazy. It is meant to. It is
领导层需要具备换位思考的能力，放下架子了解下属。当然还要有果断和敢于承担责任的能力。然而因为那些领导们过于自负，中国人民发现很难与他们产生共鸣。由于利益冲突者的控制，中国政府在国内问题的努力是决定性的，更遑论外部问题。如今受到BO丑闻的影响，LDHJ的关注度有所分散。而有关部门制定的体制是，在任何重要决策出台前都要以能规避责任为先决条件。（我知道这听起来很疯狂。但就是这个意思。这是真的。）&
A leader must also offer something more than supremacy. The current
“world leader” offers the world the chance to be American and
democratic, usually if they want to be, sometimes by force. The
British empire offered freedom from slavery and a legal system,
amongst other things. The Romans took grain from Egypt and
redistributed it across Europe.&
比起至高无上的地位，一个真正的领导更应该思考能的是，能给人民提供些什么。当今的“世界领袖”为世界上那些愿意接受民主和成为美国人的人提供了机会，对于不愿意的人，有时候则通过武力。大英帝国解放了农奴制并且制定了法律体系，还提供了其他的东西。罗马人从埃及获得粮食，然后分配到整个欧洲。&
A China that leads the world will not offer the chance to be
Chinese, because it is impossible to become Chinese. Nor is the
Chinese Communist Party entirely averse to condoning slavery. It
has encouraged its own people to work like slaves to produce goods
for western companies, to earn the foreign currency that has fed
its economic boom. (How ironic that the Party manifesto promised to
kick the slave-driving foreigners out of China.) And the Party
wouldn’t know a legal system if you swung the scales of justice
under its metaphorical nose.&
而中国一旦领导了世界，却无法提供一个成为中国人的机会，因为要变成中国人实在是太难了。中国GCD并不是完全反对纵容奴隶制的。GCD鼓励自己的人民像奴隶一样的工作，为西方公司生产产品，赚取更多的外汇，让美联储经济更繁荣。（多么具有讽刺意味啊，GCD宣言曾经承诺过要将驾驭奴隶的外国人踢出中国。）而且GCD不懂法律，你甚至可以在他们鼻子底下玩弄法律的天平。&
(I was once a plaintiff in the Beijing High Court. I was told, off
the record, that I had won my case. While my lawyer was on his way
to collect the decision the judge received a telephone call. The
decision was reversed.) As for resources extracted from Africa,
they go to China.&
（上接）我曾有一次在北京高级法院当过原告。我私下里被告知，我已经赢了那场官司。当我的律师去法院领取判决书时，法官接听了一个电话。最后判决结果被颠倒了过来。）从非洲提取的资源，都被运到了中国。&
There is one final reason why the world does not want to be led by
China in the 21st century. The Communist Party of China has, from
its very inception, encouraged strong anti-foreign sentiment.
Fevered nationalism is one of its cornerstones. The Party’s
propaganda arm created the term “one hundred years of humiliation”
to define the period from the Opium Wars to the Liberation, when
foreign powers did indeed abuse and coerce a weak imperial Qing
government. The second world war is called the War of Resistance
Against Japan. To speak ill of China in public, to award a Nobel
prize to a Chinese intellectual, or for a public figure to have tea
with the Dalai Lama, is to “interfere in China’s internal affairs”
and “hurt the feelings of the Chinese people.” The Chinese are told
on a regular basis to feel aggrieved at what foreigners have done
to them, and the Party vows to exact vengeance on their
&世界不想在21世纪被中国引领的最后一个理由是：中国GCD从根子里始终酝酿着强烈的反外情绪。狂热的民族主义是其主要基础。GCD的宣传部门创造了一个叫做“百年耻辱”的词来描述鸦片战争到解放这一段时期。那时候外国势力确实是摧残和威迫了当时虚弱的清王朝政府。第二次世界大战则被称为抗日战争。公开说中国的坏话，给中国知识分子颁发诺贝尔奖，或一个公众人物跟大赖拉马喝茶，就是”干涉中国内政“和”伤害中国人民的感情“。中国人民经常被教育不要忘记外国人对他们造成的屈辱，GCD发誓要代表人民报仇雪恨。&
The alternative scenario to a world dominated by an aggrieved China
is hardly less bleak and illustrates how China already dominates
the world and its economy. That is the increasing likelihood that
there will be upheaval in China within the next few years, sparked
by that property crash. When it happens it will be sudden, like all
such events. Sun Yat Sen’s 1911 revolution began when someone set
off a bomb by accident. Some commentators say it will lead to
revolution, or a collapse of the state. There are good grounds.
Everything the Party does to fix things in the short term only
makes matters worse in the long term by setting off property prices
again. Take the recent cut in interest rates, which was done to
boost domestic consumption, which won’t boost itself until the
Party sorts out the healthcare system, which it hasn’t the money
for because it has been invested in American debt, which it can’t
sell without hurting the dollar, which would raise the value of the
yuan and harm exports, which will shut factories and put people out
of work and threaten social stability.&
换言之，世界如果由一个备受委屈的中国来主导，它的前景同样也是凄凉的。
这其实表露出中国已经主导世界及其经济了。中国越来越有可能在未来几年中因房地产崩溃而引发剧变。剧变的发生将会是突如其来的，如同其他类似的事件。孙中山的1911年革命始于有人意外引爆了炸弹。一些评论人士预测剧变将导致革命，或者国家的分崩离析。这些预测并不是空穴来风。GCD让房屋价格又重新攀高这种补救问题的权宜之策从长期来看只会使问题越来越严重。又如最近的利率降低，原意是刺激国内消费，但不先理顺医保系统则国内消费不会被刺激起来；而医保系统理不顺是因为所需资金已购买美国国债了；美国国债不能卖因为会对美元造成损害；而不卖美国国债又会造成人民币升值而影响出口；出口受影响则造成工厂关闭工人下岗从而危及社会稳定。&
I hope the upheaval, when it comes, is peaceful, that the Party
does not try to distract people by launching an attack on Taiwan or
the Philippines. Whatever form it takes, it will bring to an end
China’s record-breaking run of economic growth that has supposedly
driven the world’s economy and today is seen as our only hope of
salvation from recession.&
我只希望，如果剧变来临，它能够是和平的。即GCD不会为了转移人民的注意而对台湾或者菲律宾发动袭击。不管以什么形式发生，这个剧变将会终结中国一直以来创纪录的经济发展。中国的经济发展被认为对推动世界经济发展作出过贡献。目前，它也被当成能把我们从经济衰退中救出的唯一希望。&
Fear of violent revolution or domestic upheaval, with a significant
proportion of that violence sure to be directed at foreigners, is
not the main reason I am leaving China, though I shan’t deny it is
one of them.&
出于对暴力革命以及国内动荡的恐惧，相当比例的暴力事件都直接针对外国人，然而这不是我选择离开中国的主要原因，尽管我不否认这是诸多原因之一。&
Apart from what I hope is a justifiable human desire to be part of
a community and no longer be treated as an outsider, to run my own
business in a regulated environment and not live in fear of it
being taken away from me, and not to concern myself unduly that the
air my family breathes and the food we eat is doing us physical
harm, there is one overriding reason I must leave China. I want to
give my children a decent education.&
我希望我能真正融入社会而不是被当成一个外来者，我希望我能在规范的环境下经营生意而不处在财产随时会被没收的恐惧下，我希望家人能呼吸新鲜的空气、吃上健康的食物而不用过分担忧这些会损害健康。除去以上这些再正当不过的人类欲望，还有一个最重要的原因驱使我离开中国。我希望能让我的孩子接受像样的教育。&
The domestic Chinese lower education system does not educate. It is
a test centre. The curriculum is designed to teach children how to
pass them. In rural China, where we have lived for seven years, it
is also an elevation system. Success in exams offers a passport to
a better life in the big city. Schools do not produce well-rounded,
sociable, self-reliant young people with inquiring minds. They
produce winners and losers. Winners go on to college or university
to take “business studies.” Losers go back to the farm or the local
factory their parents were hoping they could
中国国内的初级教育系统并不是在教育人。那只是一个考试中心。学校设计课程，来教孩子如何通过这些课程的考试。在我们曾生活了7年的中国农村地区，同样有一个等级系统。那些在应试中获得成功的，有机会去大城市享受更好的生活。&学校没能培育出多才多艺、善于交际、自力更生、富于质疑精神的年轻人来，他们只培育出了两种人：赢家和输家。赢家去了大学进行“商业研究”。输家只能回家种田或去工厂劳作，这可不是他们父母希望看到的。&
There is little if any sport or extracurricular activity. Sporty
children are extracted and sent to special schools to learn how to
win Olympic gold medals. Musically gifted children are rammed into
the conservatories and have all enthusiasm and joy in their talent
drilled out of them. (My wife was one of the
学校很少有体育或者课外活动。喜欢运动的孩子被挑出来送到专门的学校，学习如何去赢取奥运会金牌。有音乐天赋的孩子被赶去艺术学校，他们天赋中的热情和喜悦被训练消磨掉了。（我妻子曾经是后者中的一个。）&
And then there is the propaganda. Our daughter’s very first day at
school was spent watching a movie called, roughly, “How the Chinese
people, under the firm and correct leadership of the Party and with
the help of the heroic People’s Liberation Army, successfully
defeated the Beichuan Earthquake.” Moral guidance is provided by
mythical heroes from communist China’s recent past, such as Lei
Feng, the selfless soldier who achieved more in his short lifetime
than humanly possible, and managed to write it all down in a diary
that was miraculously “discovered” on his death.&
然后就是政治宣传。我的孩子上学的第一天，就是观看了一部电影，片名大概叫做《中国人民在党的坚决正确领导下，在英雄的人民解放军的帮助下，如何战胜了北川大地震》。德育则由共产党中国的不久前神话的英雄提供。如雷锋，一个无私的战士，他短暂的一生实现了作为人类不可能实现的事情。他把这些全写进了日记，然后死后奇迹般地“被发现”了。&
The pressure makes children sick. I speak from personal experience.
To score under 95 per cent is considered failure. Bad performance
is punished. Homework, which consists mostly of practice test
papers, takes up at least one day of every weekend. Many children
go to school to do it in the classroom. I have seen them trooping
in at 6am on Sundays.&
学习压力让孩子们心力疲惫。从我个人经历来说。得95分以下就是不几个。表现不好要被惩罚。家庭作业主要是练习试卷，每个周末要花上至少一天才能做完。很多孩子到学校去也只是为了在教室里练习试卷。我见过他们在周日早上六点就成群结队去学校了。&
In the holidays they attend special schools for extra tuition, and
must do their own school’s homework for at least a couple of hours
every day to complete it before term starts again. Many of my local
friends abhor the system as much as I do, but they have no choice.
I do. I am lucky.&
放假的时候他们要另交学费参加特别的班。此外还要每天花至少2个小时去写自己学校布置的作业，要求在开学前完成。我当地的朋友跟我一样非常憎恨这种教育制度。不过他们没得选。我可以有选择，很幸运。&&
An option is to move back to a major Chinese city and send our
children to an expensive international school—none of which offer
boarding—but I would be worried about pollution, and have to get a
proper job, most likely something to do with foreign business to
China, which my conscience would find hard.&
当然我可以选择搬回到中国的大城市里，把孩子送去昂贵的国际学校 — 这些学校都不提供寄宿
——但搬到大城市里我要担心污染问题，还要找合适的工作，很有可能去做与中国有关的外贸，但又拗不过自己的良心。&
I pity the youth of China that cannot attend the international
schools in the cities (which have to set limits on how many Chinese
children they accept) and whose parents cannot afford to send them
to school overseas, or do not have access to the special schools
for the Party privileged. China does not nurture and educate its
youth in a way that will allow them to become the leaders,
inventors and innovators of tomorrow, but that is the intention.
The Party does not want free thinkers who can solve its problems.
It still believes it can solve them itself, if it ever admits it
has a problem in the first place. The only one it openly
acknowledges, ironically, is its corruption. To deny that would be
impossible.&
&我很可怜中国的那些年轻人，他们既不能去城里国际学校的（那些学校对中国孩子的人数有限制），因为父母担负不起也不能出国留学，或者没有门路去那些专门为党设立的特殊学校。中国的培养和教育方法不能使年轻人成为未来的领导、发明家、创造家。这是有其目的的。GCD不需要能解决其问题的有自由思想的人。它仍然坚信有能力自行解决问题，前提是它承认有问题存在。具有讽刺意义的是，它唯一公开承认的，就是它的腐败。因为否认简直是不可能的。&
The Party does include millions of enlightened officials who
understand that something must be done to avert a crisis. I have
met some of them. If China is to avoid upheaval then it is up to
them to change the Party from within, but they face a long uphill
struggle, and time is short.&
数百万的进步官员不属于党，他们意识到必须做些什么以避免危机。我曾见过其中的一些人。如果中国要防止社会巨变，那必须依靠这些人从内部改革GCD。但他们面临着举步维艰的长期奋斗，并且时间紧迫。&
I have also encountered hundreds of well-rounded, wise Chinese
people with a modern world view, people who could, and would
willingly, help their motherland face the issues that are growing
into state-shaking problems. It is unlikely they will be given the
chance. I fear for some of them who might ask for it, just as my
classmates and I feared for our Chinese friends while we took our
final exams at SOAS in 1989.&
我也遇到过许许多多体态圆润、博学多识、有着现代世界观的中国人，他们能够也愿意帮助祖国面对难题，而这些问题可能会引起翻天覆地的动荡。但是他们不大可能得到机会。我担心一些人会向政府呼求情缘，正如xx年，我和同学在课程期末考试时，也曾为我们的中国朋友而担心。&
I read about Ai Weiwei, Chen Guangchen and Liu Xiaobo on Weibo, the
closely monitored Chinese equivalent of Twitter and Facebook, where
a post only has to be up for a few minutes to go viral. My wife had
never heard of them until she started using the site. The censors
will never completely master it. (The day my wife began reading
Weibo was also the day she told me she had overcome her concerns
about leaving China for the UK.) There are tens, maybe hundreds, of
thousands of mainland Chinese who “follow” such people too, and
there must be countless more like them in person, trying in their
small way to make China a better place. One day they will prevail.
That’ll be a good time to become Chinese. It might even be
possible.&
我在微博上读到了Aww、瞎子和LXB的事。微博是推特和非死不可的高仿品。一条言论发布以后数分钟就会迅速扩散。我妻子从未听说过他们，直到她开始使用微博。网络警察从未彻底统治过这儿。（我妻子开始上微博的那天，也是她告诉我她终于克服疑虑，要离开中国和我去英国的那天。）中国大陆有几十个、也许成百上千的人将要“效仿”AWW们，并且一定有不计其数的人想像他们一样，以一种细腻的方式亲自改造中国，使她变得更加美好。也许有一天，他们会成为优势群体，到那时，才是成为中国人的好时候。而这一天也许并不太遥远。
以上网友发言只代表其个人观点，不代表新浪网的观点或立场。