英语翻译It was impossible ,during a mere passage through the country ,to obtain any trustworthy figures regarding production or consumption ,though it is said to be consumed entirly in the neibourhoods in which it is grown and umnixed with the foreign drug,the price being generally reckoned at 300 or 35o cash per tacl,or say 11d.per ounce.the tax which the growers pay to the shanxsi authorities for disobeying the law against the cultivation of poppy is,for land of an average yield,1000 cash per mow a month,and for poorer admitted on all hands that opium-growing is the most profitable trade in mongolia,and that,in spite of the taxation and occasional bad years,it continus to repay the growers handsomely.it appears ,too,that an increased supply in no way affects the general profits,for the greater the quantity cutivated the greater the number of growers and boilers,and as all,together with their families,and smokers,supply and demand continue to balance.
■暗灵团■0248
这是不可能的,在全国仅仅通过生产或消费方面取得任何值得信赖的数字,虽然它被说成是中,它是与国外药物种植和umnixed的neibourhoods entirly消耗,价格普遍预计在300或35°现金,或者说每TACL盎司11d.per.种植者支付的shanxsi当局违背法律禁止种植罂粟是税收,土地的平均产量,每亩每月1000现金,并为贫困上所有的手,承认鸦片种植是最赚钱的在蒙古,贸易,尽管税收和偶尔的坏几年,continus偿还种植者handsomely.it的出现,也绝不会影响供应量增加的一般利润,量越大越大cutivated种植者和锅炉的数量,和,连同他们的家人,和吸烟者,供应和需求继续平衡.只能翻译成这样了 部分可能楼主你没打清楚
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这是不可能的，在仅仅通过国家，以获得关于生产或消费任何可信的数字，虽然据说在neibourhoods在它生长和umnixed与国外药品完全消耗，价格被普遍认为在300或35现金每过，或者说11d.per盎司。它的种植者支付给shanxsi机关违反对罂粟栽培法的税是对土地，平均产量1000现金，每割一个月，和贫穷承认所有的手鸦片种植在蒙古，和最有利可图的交易，在税收和偶尔的坏年尽管如此，它继续偿还种...
扫描下载二维码Police Reform Is Impossible in America
Police Reform Is Impossible in America
Donovan X. Ramsey
02/03/15 11:50AM
In recent weeks, the White House has reaffirmed its
to strengthening &community policing& around the country. The U.S. Conference of Mayors has coalesced around the same theme, releasing a
days ago with recommendations for community policing measures to be adopted nationally. The suggestions for building better &relationships& and boosting &trust& are comprehensive but, for a national crisis brought on by the killing of unarmed black people, there's one thing conspicuously absent from the public policy solutions: the acknowledgement of racism.The New Testament says that faith is &the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen.& Well, in the absence of data to support excessive policing and police brutality in communities of color, it appears that America has just stepped out on faith.Rates of and have been falling sharply for more than 20 years. In fact, since the early 90s, the national homicide rate has fallen by 51 percent, forcible rapes have declined by 35 percent, robberies have decreased by 56 percent and the rate of aggravated assault has been cut by 45 percent. And black Americans have contributed to the decline. For blacks, rates of robbery and serious property offenses are the lowest they've been in more than 40 years. Murder, rape, assault, domestic violence—all down.America is safer than it was 20 years ago. Really. Still, white Americans (and many black Americans, for that matter) believe there's more violent crime than there actually is, and that blacks are largely responsible for it.In fact, nearly half of white Americans believe that violent crime has increased in the last 20 years. Another 13 percent believe that it's stayed the same. Less than a quarter of whites realize there are less violent crimes today than there were in the 90s when the crack epidemic and gang violence were at their height. Even more, whites overestimate just how much blacks are involved in &serious street crime& and, on average, believe that black people commit a larger proportion of crime than whites do. According to a by researchers at the University at Albany, whites significantly overestimate the share of armed robberies, break-ins and drug crimes committed by black people.So, this is how we get to Rudy Giuliani, a man once in charge of the nation's largest police force, that, &White police officers wouldn't be [in black neighborhoods] if [blacks] weren't killing each other& as a justification for the killings of unarmed black people. This is how we get Stop and Frisk policies, shot dead in a park, shot dead in Wal-Mart, shot dead in a dark stairwell, shot dead outside the White House (the list goes on and on.) And this is also how we get a grand jury reviewing video of Eric Garner choked to death and seeing no evidence of a crime. Each is an example of racist policing based on the assumption of threat.In a country that has identified black people as its criminal element, public safety (and perceived security) is more tied to the suppression of blacks than it is to the suppression of crime. And as long as the public insists on its myth of black criminality—almost as an article of faith—police practices will be impossible to reform.In the summer of 1963, Boston public television aired &,& an hour-long examination of racial tension in America featuring interviews with Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X and James Baldwin conducted by renowned psychologist Kenneth Clark. During his segment, Baldwin delivered a blistering indictment of the white American psyche that is essential to untangle the myth of black criminality and its serviceability to American identity and feelings of security.In a country that has identified black people as its criminal element, public safety (and perceived security) is more tied to the suppression of blacks than it is to the suppression of crime. And as long as the public insists on its myth of black criminality—almost as an article of faith—police practices will be impossible to reform.&What white people have to do,& Baldwin offers, &is try and find out in their own hearts why it was necessary to have a Nigger in the first place...If I'm not a Nigger here and you invented him, you, the white people, invented him, then you've got to find out why. And the future of the country depends on that.&&Nigger& as used by Baldwin is, of course, more than an epithet. It is arguably the very articulation of racism in this country. Its utterance summons a phantom that is as essential to American identity as the American Dream and the Pursuit of Happiness. So, when Baldwin talks about the creation of the Nigger, he's speaking to more than the word. He is assigning responsibility for a construct that has permeated every single American institution, one essential to the nation's founding and development.Willie Horton, for example, was not the Nigger but it was conjured out of his cold stare, from OJ's courtroom smirk and even seen by some in the form of our && attorney general. Darren Wilson invoked the Nigger quite adeptly in his
before a grand jury to convince them it was necessary to shoot an unarmed Michael Brown at least six times.&He looked up at me and had the most intense aggressive face. The only way I can describe it, it looks like a demon, that's how angry he looked,& said Wilson about the moments before he fired the first bullet into Brown.&At this point,& Wilson said, &it looked like he was almost bulking up to run through the shots, like it was making him mad that I'm shooting at him. And the face he had was looking straight through me, like I wasn't even there, I wasn't even anything in his way.&More bullets. Then the final shot into Brown's head from 148 feet away.&And then when it went into him, the demeanor on his face went blank, the aggression was gone, it was gone, I mean, I knew he stopped, the threat was stopped,& said Wilson.A grand jury believed it. A great many Americans find the story believable—most without ever even having to hear it from Wilson's lips or read the transcript.So, why does America need such a narrative? The question is something of a psychoanalytic approach to our country's policing problem but one that's been gaining traction in the media as of late. Ta-Nehisi Coates gestured toward it in his
weeks ago. He wrote:&...And knowing that identity is not simply defined by what we are, but what we are not, can it be that our police help give us identity, by branding one class of people as miscreants, outsiders, and thugs, and thus establishing some other class as upstanding, as citizens, as Americans? Does the feeling of being besieged serve some actual purpose?&I am not white. The Nigger has never been of any use to me so, unfortunately, I don't think the question is mine to answer. I do have my theories, though. I imagine, like Coates seems to, that identifying blacks as this country's criminals helps white Americans dismiss their own criminal activity as incidental (teenage drug use, insider trading, mass shootings, etc). But I think it also must help to organize their fear in an uncertain world. Like &Goldstein& in Orwell's 1984, perhaps the Nigger gives white Americans something specific to fear so they don't fear everything—including themselves and each other.Ultimately, the contrast between the reality of black crime and this nation's perception of it reveals just how invested in the myth of the Nigger America actually is. And, as protesters push forward and leaders federal and local circle around &community policing& as reform, Baldwin's question will only become more urgent. White Americans of good conscience will have to confront their boogeyman head on. Because the truth is that there can be no &community policing& in black communities without engaging the community, without engaging black people and our distortion in the American imagination. is a multimedia journalist whose work puts an emphasis on race and class. Donovan has written for outlets including MSNBC, Ebony, and TheGrio, among others. He's currently a
Emerging Voices fellow.[Illustration by Jim Cooke]So knowing nothing about it is impossible fo me 为什么know要加ing
knowing nothing about it 这一个短语作为主语,所以要用ing 形式啊.这个句型是主谓表形式.主语：Knowing nothing about it谓语：is 表语：impossible for me.能理解吗?
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这是动名词短语做主语， 楼上解释的好！
扫描下载二维码How Obamacare happened, and what might happen next.
UVA / Karen BlahaJournalists who contemplate such matters are now
wondering whether the
about the gang rape of a University of
Virginia student is just that: not credible.
Last week,
that the breathtaking story was an indictment of the
university's feeble attempts to address the so-called campus sexual
assault crisis. For me, the lesson is clear: Rape is a serious
crime, not an academic infraction. The police—and only the
police—are equipped to deal with it. "The best way to confront
campus rape is to treat the issue with the seriousness it deserves
and make violent crime the business of the normal criminal justice
system," I wrote.
I didn't question the incident itself, because my point stands
regardless. Making universities investigate and adjudicate
rape—something that both federal and state governments are
pushing—is the wrong approach, and what happened at UVA is just one
example of why that's the case.
Unless, of course, it didn't happen. Then it would be an example
of something else, entirely.
of Sabrina Rubin Erdely, the
author of the Rolling Stone story, raised some
Erdely spent weeks corroborating details of Jackie’s account,
including such minutiae as her work as a lifeguard. She concluded:
“I find her completely credible. It’s impossible to know for
certain what happened in that room, because I wasn’t in it. But I
certainly believe that she described an experience that was
in-cred-ibly traumatic to her.”
Some elements of the story, however, are apparently too delicate
for Erdely to talk about now. She won’t say, for example, whether
she knows the names of Jackie’s alleged attackers or whether in her
reporting she approached “Drew,” the alleged ringleader, for
comment. She is bound to silence about those details, she said, by
an agreement with Jackie, who “is very fearful of these men, in
particular Drew. . . . She now considers herself an empty shell. So
when it comes down to identifying them, she has a very hard time
with that.”
The story does take one journalistic shortcut. The alleged
assault, described in graphic detail, is presented largely without
traditional qualifiers, such as “according to Jackie” or
“allegedly.” The absence of such attribution or qualification
leaves the impression that the events in question are undisputed
facts, rather than accusations. Erdely said, however, that her
writing style makes it clear that the events are being told from
Jackie’s point of view.
I have no reason to disbelieve Erdely, and I understand why she
would choose not to disclose anyone's identity. But she
should&be able to confirm that she knows who the
attackers are, shouldn't she? Again, we don't have to know
who they are, but we should know that she knows—or else
the story is just one long uncorroborated accusation. And
regardless of whether or not the story is told "from Jackie's point
of view," it was written by Erdely, who treats its contents as
Journalist Richard Bradley read the story with a respectful but
skeptical eye and came away with
After fretting about whether
Erdely had done her due diligence and contacted the alleged
attackers, he turns to the rape itself and finds the circumstances
almost unbelievable:
The allegation here is that, at U.Va., gang rape is a rite of
passage for young men to become fraternity “brothers.” It’s
possible. One would think that we’d have heard of this before—gang
rape as a fraternity initiation is hard to keep secret—but it’s
So then we have a scene that boggles the mind. (Again, doesn’t
mean it’ does mean we have to be critical.)
A young woman is led young woman into a “pitch-black” room. She
is shoved by a man, they crash through a glass
table and she lands in shards of glass. S he
the men laugh. (Really? A man punches a woman and
people laugh?) With the smell of marijuana (not usually known as a
violence-inducing drug) hovering over the room, he and six more men
rape her. ...
Having been raped for three hours while lying in shards of glass
“digging into her back”—three hours of which Jackie remembers every
detail, despite the fact of the room’s pitch-blackness—she passes
out and wakes up at 3 AM in an empty room.
Jackie makes her way downstairs, her red dress apparently
suffici the party is still raging. Though she
is blood-stained—three hours with shards of glass “digging into her
back,” and gang-raped, including with a beer bottle— and must
surely look deeply traumatized, no one notices her. She makes her
way out a side entrance she hadn’t seen before. She calls her
friends, who tell her that she doesn’t want to be known as the girl
who cried rape and worry that if they take her to the hospital they
won’t get invited to subsequent frat parties.
Nothing in this it’s important to note
that. It&could&have happened. But to believe it
beyond a doubt, without a question mark—as virtually all the people
who’ve read the article seem to—requires a lot of leaps of faith.
It requires you to indulge your pre-existing biases. ...
“Grab its motherfucking leg,” says the first rapist to one of
his “brothers.” It reminds me of&: “It rubs the lotion on its skin…” But Silence of
the Lambs was fiction.
Bradley notes that his experience editing the works of infamous
fabulist Stephen Glass taught him to be extra critical of stories
that confirm his pre-existing biases. And he notes that the UVA
rape story seems to confirm biases that many in the media have
about colleges, fraternities, and rape.
I would like to think that I am relatively free of these biases.
I have no particular axe to grind with fraternities, although I do
think they play a regrettable and occasionally dangerous role as
alcohol distributors to the under-21 crowd, courtesy of the federal
drinking age. And I don't believe sexual assault is as grave a
problem at college campuses as many activists have made it out to
be—if the 1-in-4 statistic were anywhere close to accurate, it
would be a baffling outlier in a sea of falling rape rates.
So when I say that I was initially inclined to believe the
story, it's not because I wanted or needed it to be true to fit my
worldview. Rather, I assumed honesty on the part of the author and
her source—not because I'm naive, but because I didn't think
someone would lie about such an unbelievable story. This isn't a
case of he-said / she- this is an extraordinary crime that
indicts a dozen people and an entire university administration.
Assuming a proper investigation—which the police are now
conducting—confirming many of the specific details should be
relatively easy.&If "Jackie" is lying, there is a good chance
she will be caught (and Erdely's career ruined). So I believed
However, some of the details do strike me as perplexing on
subsequent re-reads. One issue now being raised by skeptics is the
nature of her injuries, which sound as if they would have required
immediate medical attention. (According to the story, everybody
involved was basically rolling around in broken glass for hours.)
If the frat brothers were absolute sociopaths to do this to Jackie,
her friends were almost cartoonishly evil—casually dismissing her
battered and bloodied state and urging her not to go to the
Universities should be divorced from the rape adjudication
process, regardless of what actually happened at UVA that night.
That said, I'll be following any and all developments in this case,
and am eager to see this particular story either confirmed as true
or exposed as a hoax.
Photo Credit: Karen Blaha
is an associate editor .
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