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科目：高中英语
题型：阅读理解
On the 36th day after they had voted, Americans finally learned Wednesday who would be their next president: Governor George W. Bush of Texas.
Vice President Al Gore, his last realistic avenue for legal challenge closed by a U. S. Supreme Court decision late Tuesday, planned to end the contest formally in a televised evening speech of perhaps 10 minutes, advisers said.
They said that Senator Joseph Lieberman, his vice presidential running mate, would first make brief comments. The men would speak from a ceremonial chamber of the Old Executive office Building, to the west of the White House.
The dozens of political workers and lawyers who had helped lead Mr. Gore’s unprecedented fight to claw a come-from-behind electoral victory in the pivotal state of Florida were thanked Wednesday and asked to stand down.
“The vice president has directed the recount committee to suspend activities,” William Daley, the Gore campaign chairman, said in a written statement.
Mr. Gore authorized that statement after meeting with his wife, Tipper, and with top advisers including Mr. Daley.
He was expected to telephone Mr. Bush during the day. The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next steps.
Yet, at the end of a trying and tumultuous process that had focused world attention on sleepless vote counters across Florida, and on courtrooms form Miami to Tallahassee to Atlanta to Washington the Texas governor was set to become the 43d U. S. president.
The news of Mr. Gore’s plans followed the longest and most rancorous dispute over a U. S. presidential election in more than a century, one certain to leave scars in a badly divided country.
It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000 votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267—the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
Mr. Gore was said to be distressed by what he and many Democratic activists felt was a partisan decision from the nation’s highest court.
The 5-to –4 decision of the Supreme Court held, in essence, that while a vote recount in Florida could be conducted in legal and constitutional fashion, as Mr. Gore had sought, this could not be done by the Dec. 12 deadline for states to select their presidential electors.
James Baker 3rd, the former secretary of state who represented Mr. Bush in the Florida dispute, issued a short statement after the U. S. high court ruling, saying that the governor was “very pleased and gratified.”
Mr. Bush was planning a nationwide speech aimed at trying to begin to heal the country’s deep, aching and varied divisions. He then was expected to meet with congressional leaders, including Democrats. Dick Cheney, Mr. Bush’s ruing mate, was meeting with congressmen Wednesday in Washington.
When Mr. Bush, who is 54, is sworn into office on Jan.20, he will be only the second son of& a president to follow his father to the White House, after John Adams and John Quincy Adams in the early 19th century.
Mr. Gore, in his speech, was expected to thank his supporters, defend his hive-week battle as an effort to ensure, as a matter of principle, that every vote be counted, and call for the nation to join behind the new president. He was described by an aide as “resolved and resigned.”
While some constitutional experts had said they believed states could present electors as late as Dec. 18, the U. S. high court made clear that it saw no such leeway.
The U.S. high court sent back “for revision” to the Florida court its order allowing recounts but made clear that for all practical purposes the election was over.
In its unsigned main opinion, the court declared, “The recount process, in its features here described, is inconsistent with the minimum procedures necessary to protect the fundamental right of each voter.”
That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging that the high court’s proceedings bore a political taint.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in an angry dissent:” Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year’s presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation’s confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the law.”
But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
The Bush team welcomed the news with an outward show of restraint and aplomb. The governor’s hopes had risen and fallen so many times since Election night, and the legal warriors of each side suffered through so many dramatic reversals, that there was little energy left for celebration.
The main idea of this passage is
[A]. Bush’s victory in presidential election bore a political taint.
[B]. The process of the American presidential election.
[C]. The Supreme Court plays a very important part in the presidential election.
[D]. Gore is distressed.
&&&& What does the sentence “as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next step” mean
[A]. Bush hopes Gore to join his administration.
[B]. Bush hopes Gore to concede defeat and to support him.
[C]. Bush hopes Gore to congraduate him.
[D]. Bush hopes Gore go on fighting with him.
&&&& Why couldn’t Mr. Gore win the presidential election after he outpolled Mr. Bush in the popular vote? Because
[A]. the American president is decided by the supreme court’s decision.
[B]. people can’t directly elect their president.
[C]. the American president is elected by a slate of presidential electors.
[D]. the people of each state support Mr. Bush.
&&&& What was the result of the 5—4 decision of the supreme court?
[A]. It was in fact for the vote recount.
[B]. It had nothing to do with the presidential election.
[C]. It decided the fate of the winner.
[D]. It was in essence against the vote recount.
&&&& What did the “turbulent election of 1876” imply?
[A]. The process of presidential election of 2000 was the same as that.
[B]. There were great similarities between the two presidential elections (2000 and 1876).
[C]. It was compared to presidential election of 2000.
[D]. It was given an example.
科目：高中英语
来源：2011重庆普通高等学校招生全国统一考试英语试卷
题型：阅读理解
William Butler Yeats, a most famous Irish writer, was born in Dublin on June 13, 1865. His childhood lacked the harmony (和睦) that was typical of a happy family. Later, Yeats shocked his family by saying that he remembered “little of childhood but its pain”. In fact, he inherited (继承) excellent taste in art from his family—both his father and his brother were painters. But he finally settled on literature, particularly drama (戏剧) and poetry.Yeats had strong faith in coming of new artistic movements. He set himself the fresh task in founding an Irish national theatre in the late 1890s. His early theatrical experiments, however, were not received favorably at the beginning. He didn’t lose heart, and finally enjoyed success in his poetical drama.Compared with his dramatic works, Yeats’s poems attract much admiring notice. The subject matter includes love, nature, history, time and aging. Though Yeats generally relied on very traditional forms, he brought modern sensibility to them. As his literary life progressed, his poetry grew finer and richer, which led him to worldwide recognition.He had not enjoyed a major public life since winning the Nobel Price in 1923. Yet, he continued writing almost to the end of his life. Had Yeats stopped writing at age 40, he would who probably now be valued as a minor poet, for there is no other example in literary history of a poet Auden wrote, among others, the following liners:Earth, receive an honored guest:William Yeats is laid to rest.Let the Irish vessel (船) lieEmptied of its poetry.【小题1】Which of the following can describe Yeats’s family?A．It filled Yeats’s childhood with laughter.B．It was shocked by Yeats’s choice.C．It was a typically wealthy family.D．It had an artistic atmosphere.【小题2】According to the passage, what do we know about Yeats’s life?A．Yeats founded the first Irish theater.B．Yeats stuck to modern forms in his poetry.C．Yeats began to produce his best works from the 1910s.D．Yeats was not favored by the public until the 1923 Noble Prize.【小题3】What kind of feeling is expressed in W. H. Auden’s lines?A．Envy.B．Sympathy.C．Emptiness.D．Admiration.【小题4】What is the passage mainly about?A．Yeats’ literary achievements.B．Yeats’ historical influence.C．Yeats’ artistic ambition.D．Yeats’ national honor.
科目：高中英语
来源：2012届陕西西安市临潼区华清中学高三下学期自主命题（二）英语试卷（带解析）
题型：阅读理解
One day, while a woodcutter was cutting a branch of a tree above a river. When he began crying, God appeared and asked him, "Why are you crying?"The woodcutter told him that he had dropped his axe into water. God went down into the water and reappeared with a golden axe. "Is this your axe?" God asked.The woodcutter said "No."God again went down and came up with a silver axe." Is this your axe?" God asked.The woodcutter said "No."God again went down and came up with a iron axe." Is this your axe?" God asked.The woodcutter said "Yes."God was pleased with the man's honesty and gave him all the three axes.The woodcutter went home happily. One day while he was walking with his wife along the river, his wife fell into the river. W hen he began crying, God appeared and asked him, "Why are you crying?""My wife has fallen into water."God went down into the water and came up with Jennifer Lopez."Is this your wife?" God asked him."Yes." he said.God was furious(狂怒的),"YOU CHEAT !Now I am going to curse you."The woodcutter quickly said, “Forgive me my lord. It is a misunderstanding. IF I say 'No' to Jennifer Lopez, you will come up with Catherine Zeta Jones, If I also say 'No' to her, you will finally come up With my wife and I will say, 'Yes.' Then you will give all the three to me .I am a poor man .I will not be able to look after all the three. So that's why I've to say 'Yes' "【小题1】Which of the following best describes the author's tone in telling the story?A．OptimisticB．HumoristicC．ObjectiveD．Critical【小题2】The impression that the woodcutter makes on you is that he is -----A．foolish but honestB．foolish and honest C．smart but honestD．smart and honest【小题3】What can you infer about Jennifer Lopez and Catherine Zeta Jones?A．They are the secret lovers of the woodcutter B．They look much like the woodcutter's wife.C．They are both rich women with a lot of gold and silver.D．They are both popular with women, much worthy than his wife
科目：高中英语
来源：江西省四校学年高二下学期期中联考试题（英语）
题型：阅读理解
第三部分阅读理解（共20小题；每小题2分，满分40分）
A teenager says he convinced the White
House that he was Iceland’ s president and managed to schedule a call with
George W.Bush , but was found out before he got to talk to the US president.
“My call was transferred around a few times
until I got hold of Bush’s secretary and managed to book a call meeting with
Bush the following Monday evening ,” Vifill Atlaso, 16, told Reuters.
Several Icelandic police turned up at his
door two days later---the day of the planned call---and took him in for
questioning.
“They told me the CIA had called the
National Commissioner of the Icelandic Police and asked if the police could try
and find out where I received that phone number from,” said Atlason.
The teenager said he was unable to recall
where he had discovered the telephone number of the White House.
“I know I’v had it on my phone card for at
least four years now and that an Icelandic friend gave it to me, but I don’t
remember who,”he said.
At a White House news conference on Monday,
Bush’s spokeswoman Dana Perino said her understanding was that Atlason had
called a public line “that anybody can call”, according to a transcript(记录).
Jon Buartmarz, Chief Superintendent at
Iceland’s national police headquarters, said Icelandic police had not spoken to
their US counterparts about the matter. He declinced(拒绝) to say how police were
tipped off (通告)
about Atlason’s call.
“As far as we’re concerned, there will not
be any further investigation, and I don’t know if the American government is
taking any action because of this,”he said.
1.According to the passage, when did
Atlason call the White House ?
A.On Friday&&&&&
B. On Saturday&&&& C. On Sunday&&& D. On
Monday
2.What does the underlined “it ”refer to ?
A.The telephone number of the White House.
B.The telephone number of his friend.
C.A White House news conference .
3.How did Atlason get the telephone number
of the White House ?
A.From a newspaper&&&
B.From Bush’s secertary
C.From an Icelandic friend&&
D.By calling the National Commissioner of the
Icelandic Police.
4.What is the main idea of the article ?
A.An Icelandic teenager tricks the the
White House
B.CIA found out the truth of a trick.
C.A teenager pretended to be the Icelandic
president.
D.The telephone number of the Whiite House
is known by public.
科目：高中英语
来源：江苏省2010届高三考前模拟训练英语试卷
题型：阅读理解
Among
the more colorful characters of Leadville’s golden age were H.A.W. Tabor and
his
second
wife, Elizabeth McCourt, better known as &Baby Doe&. Their history is
fast becoming one of the legends of the Old West. Horace Austin Warner Tabor
was a school teacher in Vermont. With his first wife and two children he left Vermont
by covered wagon in 1855 to homestead in Kansas. Perhaps he did not find
farming to his liking, or perhaps he was attracted by rumors of fortunes to be
made in Colorado mines. At any rate, a few years later he moved west to the
small Colorado mining camp known as California Gulch, which he later renamed
Leadville when he became its leading citizen. &A large amount of lead is
sure to be found here.& he said.
　　As it turned out, it was silver,
not lead, that was to make Leadville’s fortune and wealth. Tabor knew little
about mining himself, so he opened a general store, which sold everything from
boots to salt, flour, and tobacco. It was his custom to &grubstake&
prospective（预期的） miners, in other words, to
supply them with food and supplies, or&grub&, while they looked for
ore（矿石）, in return for which he would
get a share in the mine if one was discovered. He did this for a number of
years, but no one that he aided ever found anything of value.
　　Finally one day in the year 1878,
so the story goes, two miners came in and asked for &grub&. Tabor had
decided to quit supplying it because he had lost too much money that way. These
were persistent（坚持的）, however, and Tabor
was too busy to argue with them. &Oh help yourself. One more time won’t
make any difference,& He said and went on selling shoes and hats to other
customers. The two miners took $17 worth of supplies, in return for which they
gave Tabor a one-third interest in their findings. They picked a barren place
on the mountainside and began to dig. After nine days they struck a rich vein
of silver. Tabor bought the shares of the other two men, and so the mine
belonged to him alone. This mine, known as the &Pittsburgh Mine,&
made $1,300, 000 for Tabor in return for his $17 investment.
　　Later Tabor bought the Matchless
Mine on another barren hillside just outside the town for $117,000.This turned
out to be even more abundant than the Pittsburgh, producing $35 000 worth of
silver per day at one time. Leadville grew. Tabor became its first mayor, and
later became the governor of the state.
1.
The word &grubstake& in paragraph 2 means __________ .
　　A. to supply miners with food and
supplies
　　B. to open a general store
　　C. to do one’s contribution to
the development of the mine
　　D. to supply miners with food and
supplies and in return get a share in the mine,& if one &&&
was discovered
2. The underlying（潜在的）reason
for Tabor’s successful life career is __________.
　　A. purely accidental
B. based on the
analysis of miner’s being very poor and their possibility of&&
discovering profitable mining site
C. through the help from his
second wife
　　D. he planned well and
accomplished targets step by step
3.
If this passage is the first part of an article, who might be introduced in the
following& part?
A. Tabor’s life.&&&&& 　　&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&& B.
Tabor’s second wife, Elizabeth McCourt.
　　C. Other colorful
characters.　　&&&&&&&& D.
Tabor’s other careers.　　
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作业讨论群：Confucius (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)
Confucius (551?-479? BCE), according to Chinese tradition, was a
thinker, political figure, educator, and founder of
the Ru School of Chinese
thought.[]
His teachings, preserved in
the Lunyu or Analects, form the foundation
of much of subsequent Chinese speculation on the education and
comportment of the ideal man, how such an individual should live his
life and interact with others, and the forms of society and government
in which he should participate. Fung Yu-lan, one of the great
20thcentury authorities on the history of Chinese
thought, compares Confucius' influence in Chinese history with that of
Socrates in the West.
The sources for Confucius' life were compiled well after his death
and taken together paint contradictory pictures of his personality and
of the events in his life. The early works agreed by textual
authorities to be relatively reliable sources of biographical material
are: the Analects, compiled by Confucius'
disciples and later followers during the centuries
the Zuozhuan, a narrative history composed from earlier
sources sometime i and the Mengzi or
Mencius, a compilation of the teachings of the well-known
eponymous fourth century follower of Confucius' thought put
together by his disciples and
adherents.[]
The Confucius of the Analects appears most
concerned with behaving morally even when this means enduring hardship
and poverty. Mencius' Confucius is a politically motivated
figure, seeking high office and departing from patrons who do not
properly reward
Confucius is found in the pages of the Zuozhuan. This one is a
heroic figure courageously facing down dangers that threaten the lord
of Confucius' native state of Lu.
Many of the stories found in these three sources as well as the
legends surrounding Confucius at the end of the
2ndcentury were included in a biography of Confucius
by the Han dynasty court historian, Sima Qian (145-c.85), in his
well-known and often-quoted Records of the Grand
Historian (Shiji).[]
This collection of tales opens by identifying
Confucius' ancestors as members of the Royal State of Song, a genealogy
Sima Qian borrows from the Zuozhuan.[]
This same account notes as well that his great
grandfather, fleeing the turmoil in his native Song, had moved to Lu,
somewhere near the present town of Qufu in south-eastern Shandong,
where the family became impoverished. Confucius' father is
usually identified as Shu He of Zhou who, according to the
Zuozhuan, led Lu armies in 563 and again in 556, acting with
great valor and extraordinary strength (qualities for which his son
would later be known according to the same historical source). Nothing
of certainty is she may have been a daughter of
the Yan family. Confucius was born in the walled town of Zhou in the
state of Lu in 552 or in 551 according to the earliest sources that
preserve such information about him. If the year of his birth was
551&the date most scholars favor&then, since that year was
a gengxu year according to the traditional system of cyclical
designations for years, Confucius was born under the sign of the dog.
This may account for why, according to Sima Qian's biography,
Confucius accepted as true the observation that in his sad and forlorn
appearance he resembled a &stray
Confucius is described, by Sima Qian and other sources, as having
endured a poverty-stricken and humiliating youth and been forced, upon
reaching manhood, to undertake such petty jobs as accounting and caring
livestock.[]
Sima Qian's
account includes the tale of how Confucius was born in answer to his
parents' prayers at a sacred hill (qiu) called Ni. Confucius'
surname Kong (which means literally an utterance of
thankfulness when prayers have been answered), his tabooed given
name Qiu, and his social name Zhongni, all
appear connected to the miraculous circumstances of his birth. This
casts doubt, then, on Confucius' royal genealogy as found in the
Zuozhuan and Shiji. Similarly, Confucius' recorded
age at death, &seventy-two,& is a &magic
number& with far-reaching significance in early Chinese
literature. It is not surprising that we can say little about
Confucius's childhood beyond noting that he probably spent it in
the Lu town where he is reported to have been born. There are many
important figures in early Chinese history about whose youth we know
even less. Almost as if to provide something to fill this lacuna in his
account of Confucius, Sima Qian says that, &As a child [of five,
according to some highly imaginative hagiographers], Confucius
entertained himself by habitually arranging rituals vessels and staging
ceremonies,& thus prefiguring the philosopher's famous
interest in rites.
We do not know how Confucius himself was educated, but tradition has
it that he studied ritual with the fictional Daoist Master Lao Dan,
music with Chang Hong, and the lute with Music-master Xiang. In his
middle age Confucius is supposed to have gathered about him a group of
disciples whom he taught and also to have devoted himself to political
matters in Lu. The number of Confucius' disciples has been greatly
exaggerated, with Sima Qian and other sources claiming that there were
as many as three thousand of them. Sima Qian goes on to say that,
&Those who, in their own person, became conversant with the Six
Disciplines [taught by Confucius], numbered seventy-two.& The
Mencius and some other early works give their number as
seventy. Perhaps seventy or seventy-two were a maximum, though both of
these numbers are suspicious given Confucius' supposed age at
In 525, when Confucius was twenty-seven or twenty-eight, he is
supposed by the authors of the Zuozhuan to have visited the
ruler of the small state of Tan in order to learn bureaucratic history
from him and then to marvel, with reflexive condescension, at how such
knowledge was lost to the Son of Heaven but &may still be studied
among the distant border peoples of the four quarters.& The theme
of the extreme inquisitiveness of the young Confucius is also reflected
in the Analects: &When the Master entered the Grand
Temple he asked questions about everything. Someone said, &Who
said that this son of a man from Zhou knows about ritual? When he
entered the Grand Temple he asked about everything.& When the
Master learned of this he observed, &Doing so is prescribed by
ritual&& (Lunyu
Two Zuozhuan passages&that relate to events that took
place in 522 when Confucius would have been thirty or
thirty-one&lay claim to what appear to be among the first times
when Confucius uttered judgment on the behavior or reputation of
others. The first of these has to do with Duke Jing of Qi (r. 547&490)
whom Confucius criticized for becoming angry with an underling
determined to fulfil his official responsibilities even when that meant
disobeying a direct order from his ruler. The other is his
&tearful& comment when he learned of the death of the Zheng
statesman Zi Chan: &The love for others seen among the ancients
survived in
In another Zuozhuan passage that occurs not long after
these two, the Lu nobleman Ming Xizi, immediately before his death in
518, praised Confucius as &the descendant of a sage& and
instructed the grand officers who attended him that, upon his death,
they should entrust his two sons to Confucius. These are strong signals
that in the eyes of the authors of the Zuozhuan, Confucius was
by this time in his life established as a person of significance in Lu.
Meng Xizi went on, however, and declared that what another Lu nobleman
named Zang Sunhe had once said was true in the case of Confucius:
&If a sage possessed of bright virtue does not fit the age in
which he lives then surely among his descendants there will be one who
is successful.& Meng Xizi's Zuozhuan speech should
be read not only as indicative of a turning point in Confucius'
early career&his emergence from obscurity&but also as the
first of many ancient declarations that Confucius was worthy of a crown
that he would not receive in his lifetime.
Politics in Confucius' native Lu were extremely unstable
because of the challenge to the ruler posed by the &three Huan
families& which had the hereditary right to occupy the most
powerful ministerial offices in the Lu government. In 517 Duke Zhao of
Lu moved against the head of the most powerful&and the
wealthiest& of the families: the Ji clan. But the attack failed
and the duke was forced to flee from Lu and spend the remaining years
of his reign in exile, first in Lu's large neighbor Qi and then
in a town in the state of Jin where he died in 510. According to Sima
Qian, when Duke Zhao was first forced into exile, Confucius also went
to Qi to serve as a retainer in the household of the nobleman Gao
Zhaozi. The Analects mentions how, during this period in Qi,
Confucius heard for the first time a performance of the sacred Shao
music and was overwhelmed by the experience and then had an audience
with Duke Jing of Qi in which Confucius observed that what Qi required
was that &The ruler should be a ruler, his subjects subjects, the
father should be a father, and his son a son& (Lunyu
12.11). He was no doubt commenting on politics in Qi where&as was
also the case in Lu&power rested not in the hands of the ruler
but instead in the hands of the powerful ministerial families who were
supposed to serve him. Some unidentified adversity probably
precipitated Confucius' departure from Qi. And it seems that back
home in Lu he was fairing poorly in locating employment. So noteworthy
was this failure that a passage in the Analects comments on
it: &Someone asked Confucius, &Why is it that you are
not in government?& Confucius replied, &The
Documents say, &Be filial, oh, only be filial! Be
friendly toward your brothers and extend this to governing.&
Practicing this is also to govern. Why must one be in office to
govern?&& (Lunyu
2.21). As noted earlier, what
mattered to the Confucius of the Analects was not winning an
official position but remaining faithful to the moral behavior
Whether or not Confucius held any important office in Lu is a
much-debated point, but from the Mengzi onward, there is
consistent ancient testimony that he was director of crime (si
kou). The Zuozhuan confirms that he held the post
starting sometime around
We know very little of what Confucius accomplished
in the job and nothing about his understanding of his responsibilities.
Given what one might expect a director of crime to do&to enforce
the law and impose corporal punishments on those found guilty of
crime&it is odd to think that Confucius served in the role given
his famous opposition to the use of fines and punishments, dismissing
them as ineffective and counterproductive in governing people:
&If they are led by virtue, and uniformity sought among them
through the practice of ritual propriety, the people will possess a
sense of shame and come to you of their own accord&
2.3). The contradiction among our sources is
paradigmatic of the problems we face in figuring out the events in
Confucius' life. Perhaps the claims that Confucius served as
director of crime are fictional. Perhaps he did serve in the role and
learned from the experience the ineffectiveness of punishment in
maintaining order in society. Or perhaps the Analects passage
is an interpolation&something Confucius himself never
said&added by a branch of his school that wanted to represent
their master as strongly opposed to legalistic measures in spite of his
having served as a law enforcement officer in Lu.
As it is presented in the Zuozhuan, the single most
important event in Confucius' official career in Lu, and perhaps
even in his lifetime, was the 500 BCE meeting at Jiagu in the state of
Qi when he was called upon to protect the life of Duke Ding of Lu (r.
509&495) and defend the honor of his native state. To formalize a peace
agreement between Lu and Qi, the rulers of the two states met at Jiagu
and signed an oath promising to abide by certain terms and conditions
lest they be harshly dealt with by the gods and spirits.
Confucius' role in the event is described in the text as that of
&overseer& of the protocols of the meeting. The Qi ruler
and his lieutenants had plotted to use the occasion to humiliate Lu and
perhaps even to seize Lu's ruler. The Confucius of the
Zuozhuan is shown as adroit and skilful in dealing with these
dangerous circumstances. He succeeds not only in getting Qi to withdraw
its armed men from the meeting but also to return to Lu lands that Qi
had previously appropriated in return for Lu's future
participation in Qi's military
adventures.[]
If Confucius in fact experienced some sort of triumph at Jiagu,
tales about the period following his return to Lu speak of intense
conflict among the three Huan families and between them and Duke Ding.
The duke attempted to have the families tear down the walls of the
fortresses that secured their fiefs&the duke's argument was
that the fortresses might be seized by lower-ranking stewards and thus
were more of a threat than a benefit to the families&but the
population of the Ji family fortress at Bi rebelled and attacked the Lu
capital threatening the life of the duke. Again, Confucius came to the
duke's rescue and the rebellion by the Bi masses was eventually
put down by the army of Lu. However, the Meng family simply refused to
tear down the walls that protected their family fortress at Cheng. Duke
Ding led an army to lay siege to Cheng and level its walls but he
failed to do so and his weakness and ineptitude were made all the more
obvious by this failure.
What role Confucius played in the duke's plans is difficult to
determine. It seems rather that, at least according to the
Zuozhuan, his disciple Zi Lu, in the employ of the Ji family,
played a more significant part. Whatever the case may be, in the
stories that follow this dramatic tale, Confucius, along with Zi Lu and
other disciples, departed Lu late in 498 and went into
As in other ancient cultures, exile
and suffering are common themes in the lives of the heroes of the early
Chinese tradition. In the company of his disciples, Confucius travelled
in the states of Wei, Song, Chen, Cai, and Chu, purportedly looking for
a ruler who might employ him but meeting instead with indifference and,
occasionally, severe hardship and danger. Several of these episodes, as
preserved in Sima Qian's account, appear to be little more than
prose retellings of songs found in the ancient Chinese Book of
Songs. Confucius' life is thus rendered a re-enactment of the
suffering and alienation of the personas of the poems.
Analects 6.28 claims that while he was in Wei, Confucius
visited its ruler's wicked consort Nanzi. Confronted by Zi
Lu's displeasure, Confucius swore he did not do anything wrong
with the woman. While it is possible to suspect that the story is a
later addition to the Analects, that does not mean that it is
less believable than anything else the text says about events in
Confucius' life. Later on, in the state of Song, Confucius just
barely escaped with his life from an attack by Marshal Huan, a
formidable Song nobleman, who for unknown reasons was intent on
During these
difficulties Confucius got separated from his favorite disciple Yan
Hui. When they were subsequently reunited, Confucius said, &I
assumed you were deadl& Yan Hui responded, &While the
Master is alive, how would I, Hui, dare to die?& (Lunyu
11.21). Still later in his exile, while in the tiny state of Cai,
Confucius is supposed to have encountered the disreputable Shen
Zhuliang, better known by his title &duke of She,& who
along with other noblemen from the great southern state of Chu were
occupying Cai and herding about its population. According to passages
in the Analects, the duke of She asked Confucius about the art
of governing and also asked Zi Lu about Confucius' character.
Both passages are meant to suggest that Confucius found the duke
lacking in virtue and
learning.[]
Their time in the small state of Chen was especially precarious for
Confucius and his followers: &While in Chen, food supplies for
the journey were cut off. Followers fell ill and none was able to rise
to his feet. Zi Lu, indignant, saw Kongzi and asked, &Is it right
that even the superior man should be reduced to poverty?& The
Master replied, &A superior man remains steadfast in the face of
the small man, when impoverished, loses all
restraint&& (Lunyu
15.2). Confucius' reply
to Zi Lu is not merely a lesson on the distinction between the superior
man's endurance of hardship and the tendency of his opposite, the
petty individual, to resort to crime. Confucius is drawing the
distinction when all were in straitened circumstances and as such his
words should be read as a pointed reminder to Zi Lu and the other
disciples traveling with him at the time that, in spite of the
difficulties they were facing, they should adhere to the highest
standards of ethical behavior. Perhaps it was Zi Lu's indignation
that triggered in Confucius a worry that his followers might take
extreme and even immoral measures to find food. Either inspired by this
story or informed by tales and traditions that are lost to us, a
passage in the Mozi&a text that preserves a political
and social philosophy greatly at odds with the teachings of Confucius
and the Ru school&claims that Confucius, who had a reputation for
being scrupulous about his meals, ate pork given him by Zi Lu even
though he had reason to believe that Zi Lu had stolen
Other passages in the
Analects hint that Confucius was disturbed by the behavior of
some of his followers while they were abroad with him and by their
failure to make more progress in the cultivation of the moral values
In any case, by most traditional accounts, after a brief second
visit to Wei, Confucius returned to Lu in 484. The Ji family was still
the most powerful in Lu as they had been when Confucius had departed in
the aftermath of Duke Ding's aborted efforts to dismantle the
fortresses of the three Huan families. While he had some interaction
with the head of the Ji family as well as with the reigning Lu ruler,
Duke Ai, Confucius appears to have spent the remainder of his life
teaching, putting in order the Book of Songs,
the Book of Documents, and other ancient classics, as
well as editing the Spring and Autumn Annals, the court
chronicle of Lu. Sima Qian's account also provides background on
Confucius' connection to the early canonical texts on ritual and on
music (the latter of which was lost at an early date). Sima Qian
claims, moreover, that, &In his later years, Confucius delighted
in the Yi&&the famous divination manual
popular to this day in China and in the West.
The Analects passage which appears to corroborate
Sima Qian's claim seems corrupt and hence unreliable on this point.
Confucius' traditional association with these works led them and
related texts to be revered as the &Confucian Classics& and
made Confucius himself the spiritual ancestor of later teachers,
historians, moral philosophers, literary scholars, and countless others
whose lives and works figure prominently in Chinese intellectual
Our best source for understanding Confucius and his thought is
the Analects. But the Analects is a
problematic and controversial work, having been compiled in variant
versions long after Confucius' death by disciples or the disciples of
disciples. Some have argued that, because of the text's inconsistencies
and incompatibilities of thought, there is much in
the Analects that is non-Confucian and should be
discarded as a basis for understanding the thought
Confucius.[]
Benjamin Schwartz
cautions us against such radical measures: &While textual
criticism based on rigorous philological and historic analysis is
crucial, and while the later sections [of the Analects] do contain late
materials, the type of textual criticism that is based on
considerations of alleged logical inconsistencies and incompatibilities
of thought must be viewed with great suspicion& . While none of
us comes to such an enterprise without deep-laid assumptions about
necessary logical relations and compatibilities, we should at least
hold before ourselves the constant injunction to mistrust all our
unexamined preconceptions on these matters when dealing with
comparative
thought.&[]
The difficulties in reading and interpreting the text of the
Analects have given rise to numerous extensive commentaries
that struggle to untangle the complexities of its language
thought.[]
Book X of the Analects consists of personal
observations of how Confucius comported himself as a thinker, teacher,
and official. Some have argued that these passages were originally more
general prescriptions on how a gentleman should dress and behave that
were relabelled as descriptions of Confucius. Traditionally, Book X has
been regarded as providing an intimate portrait of Confucius and has
been read as a biographical sketch. The following passages provide a
few examples of why, more generally, it is difficult to glean from the
Analects a genuinely biographical, let alone intimate,
portrait of the Master.
Confucius, at home in his native village, was simple and unassuming
in manner, as though he did not trust himself to speak. But when in the
ancestral temple or at Court he speaks readily, though always choosing
his words with due caution. (Lunyu 10.1)
When at court conversing with the officers of a lower grade, he is
friendly, th when conversing with officers of a
higher grade, he is restrained but precise. When the ruler is present
he is wary, but not cramped. (Lunyu 10.2)
On entering the Palace Gate he seems to contract his body, as though
there were not sufficient room to admit him. If he halts, it must never
be in the middle of the gate, nor in going through does he ever tread
on the threshold. (Lunyu 10.4)
When fasting in preparation for sacrifice he must wear the Bright
Robe, and it must be of linen. He must change his food and also the
place where he commonly sits. He does not object to his rice being
thoroughly cleaned, nor to his meat being finely minced.
(Lunyu 10.7, 10.8)
When sending a messenger to enquire after someone in another
country, he bows himself twice while seeing the messenger off.
(Lunyu 10.15)
In bed he avoided lying in the posture of a corpse & On
meeting anyone in deep mourning he must bow across the bar of his
chariot. (Lunyu 10.24, 10.25)
Analects passages such as these may not satisfy a
modern reader looking for some entry into understanding the connection
between Confucius the man and Confucius the thinker, but they did
succeed in rendering Confucius the model of
courtliness and personal decorum for countless generations of Chinese
officials.
By the fourth century, Confucius was recognized as a unique
figure, a sage who was ignored but should have been recognized and
become a king. At the end of the fourth century BCE, Mencius says
of Confucius: &Ever since man came into this world, there has
never been one greater than Confucius.& And in two passages
Mencius implies that Confucius was one of the great sage kings who,
according to his reckoning, arises every five hundred years. Confucius
also figures prominently as the subject of anecdotes and the teacher of
wisdom in the writings of Xunzi, a third century follower of Confucius'
teachings. Indeed chapters twenty-eight to thirty of
the Xunzi, which some have argued were not the work of
Xunzi but compilations by his disciples, look like an alternative, and
considerably briefer, version of the Analects.
Confucius and his followers also inspired considerable criticism
from other thinkers. The anecdote quoted earlier from the Mozi
is an example. The authors of the Zhuangzi took
particular delight in parodying Confucius and the teachings
conventionally associated with him. But Confucius' reputation was so
great that even the Zhuangzi appropriates him to
give voice to Daoist teachings.
Confucius' teachings and his conversations and exchanges with his
disciples are recorded in
or Analects, a collection
that probably achieved something like its present form around the
second century BCE. While Confucius believes that people live their
lives within parameters firmly established by Heaven&which,
often, for him means both a purposeful Supreme Being as well as
&nature& and its fixed cycles and patterns&he argues
that men are responsible for their actions and especially for their
treatment of others. We can do little or nothing to alter our fated
span of existence but we determine what we accomplish and what we are
remembered for.
Confucius represented his teachings as lessons transmitted from
antiquity. He claimed that he was &a transmitter and not a
maker& and that all he did reflected his &reliance on and
love for the ancients& (Lunyu 7.1). Confucius
pointed especially to the precedents established during the height of
the royal Zhou (roughly the first half of the first millennium BCE).
Such justifications for one's ideas may have already been conventional
in Confucius' day. Certainly his claim that there were antique
precedents for his ideology had a tremendous influence on subsequent
thinkers many of whom imitated these gestures. But we should not regard
the contents of the Analects as consisting of old
ideas. Much of what Confucius taught appears to have been original to
him and to have represented a radical departure from the ideas and
practices of his day.
Confucius also claimed that he enjoyed a special and privileged
relationship with Heaven and that, by the age of fifty, he had come to
understand what Heaven had mandated for him and for mankind.
(Lunyu 2.4). Confucius was also careful to instruct his
followers that they should never neglect the offerings due Heaven.
(Lunyu 3.13) Some scholars have seen a contradiction
between Confucius' reverence for Heaven and what they believe to be his
skepticism with regard to the existence of &the spirits.&
But the Analects passages that reveal Confucius'
attitudes toward spiritual forces (Lunyu 3.12, 6.20, and
11.11) do not suggest that he was skeptical. Rather they show that
Confucius revered and respected the spirits, thought that they should
be worshipped with utmost sincerity, and taught that serving the
spirits was a far more difficult and complicated matter than serving
mere mortals.
Confucius' social philosophy largely revolves around the concept
of ren, &compassion& or &loving
others.& Cultivating or practicing such concern for others
involved deprecating oneself. This meant being sure to avoid artful
speech or an ingratiating manner that would create a false impression
and lead to self-aggrandizement. (Lunyu 1.3) Those who
have cultivated ren are, on the contrary,
&simple in manner and slow of speech&
(Lunyu 13.27). For Confucius, such concern for others is
demonstrated through the practice of forms of the Golden Rule:
&What you do not wish for yourself,&
&Since you yourself desire standing then help others achieve it,
since you yourself desire success then help others attain it&
(Lunyu 12.2, 6.30). He regards devotion to parents and
older siblings as the most basic form of promoting the interests of
others before one's own. Central to all ethical teachings found in the
Analects of Confucius is the notion that the social arena in
which the tools for creating and maintaining harmonious relations are
fashioned and employed is the extended family. Among the various ways
in which social divisions could have been drawn, the most important
were the vertical lines that bound multigenerational lineages. And the
most fundamental lessons to be learned by individuals within a lineage
were what role their generational position had imposed on them and what
obligations toward those senior or junior to them were associated with
those roles. In the world of the Analects, the dynamics of
social exchange and obligation primarily involved movement up and down
along familial roles that were defined in terms of how they related to
others within the same lineage. It was also necessary that one play
roles within other social constructs&neighborhood, community,
political bureaucracy, guild, school of thought&that brought one
into contact with a larger network of acquaintances and created ethical
issues that went beyond those that impacted one's family. But the
extended family was at the center of these other hierarchies and could
be regarded as a microcosm of their workings. One who behaved morally
in all possible parallel structures extending outward from the family
probably approximated Confucius's conception of ren.
It is useful to contrast this conception of ren and the
social arena in which it worked with the idea of jian ai or
&impartial love& advocated by the Mohists who as early as
the fifth century BCE posed the greatest intellectual challenge to
Confucius' thought. The Mohists shared with Confucius and his
followers the goal of bringing about effective governance and a stable
society, but they constructed their ethical system, not on the basis of
social roles, but rather on the self or, to be more precise, the
physical self that has cravings, needs, and ambitions. For the Mohists,
the individual's love for his physical self is the basis on which
all moral systems had to be built. The Confucian emphasis on social
role rather than on the self seems to involve, in comparison to the
Mohist position, an exaggerated emphasis on social status and position
and an excessive form of self-centeredness. While the Mohist love of
self is also of course a form of self-interest, what distinguishes it
from the Confucian position is that the Mohists regard self-love as a
necessary means to an end, not the end in itself, which the Confucian
pride of position and place appears to be. The Mohist program called
for a process by which self-love was replaced by, or transformed into,
impartial love&the unselfish and altruistic concern for others
that would, in their reckoning, lead to an improved world untroubled by
wars between states, conflict in communities, and strife within
families. To adopt impartial love would be to ignore the barriers that
privilege the self, one's family, and one's state and that
separate them from other individuals, families, and states. In this
argument, self-love is a fact that informs the cultivation of concern
for those within one' it is also the basis for
interacting laterally with those to whom one is not related, a large
cohort that is not adequately taken into account in the Confucian
scheme of ethical obligation.
Confucius taught that the practice of altruism he thought necessary
for social cohesion could be mastered only by those who have learned
self-discipline. Learning self-restraint involves studying and
mastering li, the ritual forms and rules of propriety
through which one expresses respect for superiors and enacts his role
in society in such a way that he himself is worthy of respect and
admiration. A concern for propriety should inform everything that one
says and does:
Look at nothing in defiance of ritual, listen to nothing in defiance
of ritual, speak of nothing in defiance or ritual, never stir hand or
foot in defiance of ritual. (Lunyu 12.1)
Subjecting oneself to ritual does not, however, mean suppressing
one's desires but instead learning how to reconcile one's own desires
with the needs of one's family and community. Confucius and many of his
followers teach that it is by experiencing desires that we learn the
value of social strictures that make an ordered society possible
(See Lunyu 2.4.). And at least for Confucius'
follower Zi Xia, renowned in the later tradition for his knowledge of
the Book of Songs, one's natural desires for sex and
other physical pleasures were a foundation for cultivating a passion
for worthiness and other lofty ideals (Lunyu
Confucius' emphasis on ritual does not mean that he was a
punctilious ceremonialist who thought that the rites of worship and of
social exchange had to be practiced correctly at all costs. Confucius
taught, on the contrary, that if one did not possess a keen sense of
the well-being and interests of others his ceremonial manners signified
nothing. (Lunyu 3.3) Equally important was Confucius'
insistence that the rites not be regarded as mere forms, but that they
be practiced with complete devotion and sincerity. &He [i.e.,
Confucius] sacrificed to the dead as if they were present. He
sacrificed to the spirits as if the spirits were present. The Master
said, &I consider my not being present at the sacrifice as though
there were no sacrifice&& (Lunyu 3.12).
Confucius' political philosophy is also rooted in his belief that a
ruler should learn self-discipline, should govern his subjects by his
own example, and should treat them with love and concern. &If the
people be led by laws, and uniformity among them be sought by
punishments, they will try to escape punishment and have no sense of
shame. If they are led by virtue, and uniformity sought among them
through the practice of ritual propriety, they will possess a sense of
shame and come to you of their own accord&
(Lunyu 2.3; see also 13.6.). It seems apparent that in his
own day, however, advocates of more legalistic methods were winning a
large following among the ruling elite. Thus Confucius' warning about
the ill consequences of promulgating law codes should not be
interpreted as an attempt to prevent their adoption but instead as his
lament that his ideas about the moral suasion of the ruler were not
proving popular.
Most troubling to Confucius was his perception that the political
institutions of his day had completely broken down. He attributed this
collapse to the fact that those who wielded power as well as those who
occupied subordinate positions did so by making claim to titles for
which they were not worthy. When asked by a ruler of the large state of
Qi, Lu's neighbor on the Shandong peninsula, about the principles of
good government, Confucius is reported to have replied: &Good
government consists in the ruler being a ruler, the minister being a
minister, the father being a father, and the son being a son&
(Lunyu 12.11). I should claim for myself only a title that
is legitimately mine and when I possess such a title and participate in
the various hierarchical relationships signified by that title, then I
should live up to the meaning of the title that I claim for myself.
Confucius' analysis of the lack of connection between actualities and
their names and the need to correct such circumstances is often
referred to as Confucius' theory of zhengming. Elsewhere
in the Analects, Confucius says to his disciple Zilu that
the first thing he would do in undertaking the administration of a
state is zhengming. (Lunyu 13.3). In that
passage Confucius is taking aim at the illegitimate ruler of Wei who
was, in Confucius' view, improperly using the title
&successor,& a title that belonged to his father the
rightful ruler of Wei who had been forced into
Xunzi composed an entire essay
entitled Zhengming. But for Xunzi the term referred to
the proper use of language and how one should go about inventing new
terms that were suitable to the age. For
Confucius, zhengming does not seem to refer to the
&rectification of names& (this is the way the term is most
often translated by scholars of the Analects), but
instead to rectifying the behavior of people and the social reality so
that they correspond to the language with which people identify
themselves and describe their roles in society. Confucius believed that
this sort of rectification had to begin at the very top of the
government, because it was at the top that the discrepancy between
names and actualities had originated. If the ruler's behavior is
rectified then the people beneath him will follow suit. In a
conversation with Ji Kangzi (who had usurped power in Lu), Confucius
advised: &If your desire is for good, the people will be good.
The moral character of t the moral character of
those beneath him is the grass. When the wind blows, the grass
bends& (Lunyu
For Confucius, what characterized superior rulership was the
possession of de or &virtue.& Conceived
of as a kind of moral power that allows one to win a following without
recourse to physical force, such &virtue& also enabled the
ruler to maintain good order in his state without troubling himself and
by relying on loyal and effective deputies. Confucius claimed that,
&He who governs by means of his virtue is, to use an analogy,
like the pole-star: it remains in its place while all the lesser stars
do homage to it& (Lunyu 2.1). The way to maintain
and cultivate such royal &virtue& was through the practice
and enactment of li or
&rituals&&the ceremonies that defined and punctuated
the lives of the ancient Chinese aristocracy. These ceremonies
encompassed: the sacrificial rites performed at ancestral temples to
express humil the ceremonies of enfeoffment,
toasting, and gift exchange that bound together the aristocracy into a
complex web of obligat and the acts of politeness
and decorum&such things as bowing and yielding&that
identified their performers as gentlemen. In an influential study,
Herbert Fingarette argues that the performance of these various
ceremonies, when done correctly and sincerely, involves a
&magical& quality that underlies the efficacy of royal
&virtue& in accomplishing the aims of the
A hallmark of Confucius' thought is his emphasis on education and
study. He disparages those who have faith in natural understanding or
intuition and argues that the only real understanding of a subject
comes from long and careful study. Study, for Confucius, means finding
a good teacher and imitating his words and deeds. A good teacher is
someone older who is familiar with the ways of the past and the
practices of the ancients. (See Lunyu 7.22) While he sometimes
warns against excessive reflection and meditation, Confucius' position
appears to be a middle course between learning and reflecting on what
one has learned. &He who learns but does not think is lost. He
who thinks but does not learn is in great danger&
(Lunyu 2.15).[]
He taught his students morality, proper
speech, government, and the refined arts. While he also emphasizes the
&Six Arts& & ritual, music, archery, chariot-riding,
calligraphy, and computation & it is clear that he regards
morality as the most important subject.
Confucius' pedagogical
methods are striking. He never discourses at length on a
subject. Instead he poses questions, cites passages from the classics,
or uses apt analogies, and waits for his students to arrive at the
right answers. &Only for one deeply frustrated over what he does
not know will I only for one struggling to form his
thoughts into words will I provide a beginning. But if I hold up one
corner and he cannot respond with the other three I will not repeat
myself& (Lunyu 7.8).
Confucius' goal is to create gentlemen who carry themselves with
grace, speak correctly, and demonstrate integrity in all things. His
strong dislike of the sycophantic &petty men,& whose clever
talk and pretentious manner win them an audience, is reflected in
numerous Lunyu passages. Confucius finds himself in
an age in which values are out of joint. Actions and behavior no longer
correspond to the labels originally attached to them. &Rulers do
not rule and subjects do not serve,& he observes.
(Lunyu 12.11; cf. also 13.3) This means that words and
titles no longer mean what they once did. Moral education is important
to Confucius because it is the means by which one can rectify this
situation and restore meaning to language and values to society. He
believes that the most important lessons for obtaining such a moral
education are to be found in the canonical Book of Songs,
because many of its poems are both beautiful and good. Thus Confucius
places the text first in his curriculum and frequently quotes and
explains its lines of verse. For this reason,
is also an important source for Confucius'
understanding of the role poetry and art more generally play in the
moral education of gentlemen as well as in the reformation of society.
Recent archaeological discoveries in China of previously lost ancient
manuscripts reveal other aspects of Confucius's reverence for
the Book of Songs and its importance in moral
education. These manuscripts show that Confucius had found in the
canonical text valuable lessons on how to cultivate moral qualities in
oneself as well as how to comport oneself humanely and responsibly in
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